obtain a free pass from the kindly Germans that they may more swiftly pass to Petrograd to work for peace. Russian Socialists interned in Germany may also obtain release. The voices of all these will count. For they have suffered. And they have not suffered in order that Russia may become a business republic with commercial slavery or a militant empire enslaving other nations. They have suffered for freedom, an almost mystical word in their hearts and souls. I do not think they merely want revenge. They are idealists, and their force will be ranged against material ambitions and vulgar conceptions. they are bound to cause another great storm in Russian opinion and public life next autumn, if not before.

But

The new synthesis will be worked out by individuals, but necessarily also by nations. The collective voice of subject peoples will be heard. Finland may become separate and cease to count as Russia, but the other races cannot easily be eliminated or obtain complete independence. There is no suggestion as yet from the Russian side of a complete liberation of Poland. The Ukraine, that is Little Russia, is too much of one flesh with greater Russia to be separated, though it has a strong national movement. And what of Letts, Lithuanians, Armenians, Jews, Georgians, Persians, Ossetines, Kirghiz, Turkomans, Sarts, Tartars, Zirians, Samoyedes, to mention but a few of the scores of races in the Empire? What of Siberia as a separate interest, of the Caucasus as a separate interest, of Central Asia as a separate interest?

Russia as a Republic may be profitably compared with the United States. There are as many varying races. And now that the Tsardom has gone these races can no longer be looked upon as conquered or subject peoples. Their voices have full

value. The difference is that in America there is an assumption that the diverse Europeans entering the country are ready to give up their particular national feeling and sink everything in the common term America. But in Russia there is no such readiness to sink all in the common term, Russia. The nations have geographical associations; some have language and culture. They are proud of their distinctions. The territory of Russia is wide enough, not a little plot like Great Britain where Scots and Welsh and English easily mingle. The smaller peoples, moreover, live by themselves, they are not spread over the land and lost collectively as in the United States. The future of the Russian Republic is, therefore, one in which nations as well as individuals speak. Even if a United States of Russia be realized, it could not be a United States as in America, but must rather be a United Nations.

How much anxiety the Russian revolution caused to those who knew Russia! But what a strange and unexpected exhilaration immediately followed-a sort of relief from war depression. The most precious inheritance of the past was endangered in Russia, but for Europe a new vision and promise was vouchsafed. Then for the first time one definitely understood that death-sentence had been passed upon the old Europe; nothing could be patched up and allowed to revert to pre-war conditions, the old had to pass away. It meant almost inevitably the eventual fall of Kaiserdom also. Vast and potential Russia had suddenly become material free to be shaped, attendant upon creative destiny. It promised and does promise that all Europe shall come to that same humble and subjective state. ready to be re-cast as something new. There becomes possible a new vision

for humanity-not simply a vision of safety, for we do not really deeply care for safety, but a vision of a new and greater unity.

The problems of the new Russia are monitions of the problem of the new Europe. There is the hope that after the war it may be possible for all our nations to think of Europe in a new way, to find in the idea and name of Europe a common spiritual and material interest to which all could be loyal. As the peoples of Russia come to be to Russia, so may the peoples of Europe, including Finland and Ireland, be to Europe.

The first days of the war saw the great affirmation of the sacredness of nationality. There followed a Radical movement against nationality inspired possibly by the non-Zionist Jews whose natural ideal is cosmopolitanism, mixed nationality, implying a mongrelization of races, one type, one State, and everybody speaking Esperanto, much business and no war. But the idea of making Europe or Russia a melting-pot for races was distasteful, and could not have won its way. It was also not practicable. The nations of Europe care too much for their national culture and ideals to efface themselves, even were this war ten times the material calamity it is. The conception, however, had attraction for some. Its abortive expression was that of the "League of Peace," which has now given way to the much more promising formulation of the "League of Nations." At the same time a ferment of republicanism threatens all the thrones in Europe. It is generally realized that the barriers which keep nations apart must be removed. But owing to the example of affairs in Russia, it is realized that the nations are intent on keeping their nationhood. The unity to which we are going forward is the unity of the recognition and

toleration of difference, love of difference; not the unity of reducing all to standard types.

It may be remarked now how illsuited is the average British or German intelligence to the new task of accommodating the new elements and expressing them in all their complexity to make a great unity. The Teutonic race is naturally intolerant of other races. Possibly German intolerance will be blasted away by war, and by the wholesome lesson of the despised French beating them, and by Russians beating them. But the British intelligence, except when modified by the sympathy of the Celt, is more inclined to simplify by breaking or excluding than by understanding and including. Love and patience are required beyond all other qualities. The Italians bring gifts of this kind, but on the other hand inherit bad traditions. Their consciousness is still in the old Europe, nourishing ideas of territorial aggrandizement, and pursuing with that end a steady, persistent, though secret diplomacy. Because of the Italians, our sad Balkan friends who have suffered SO much constantly tremble or are possessed of hate. Even the unduly despised Greeks might join in the great understanding, but for fear of wolves in sheep's clothing. France is patient and tolerant though suffering, but even she nurses the need for revenge. There remains Russia, and turbulent though her conditions are she has yet the model psychology for the great problem. I do not speak of all her tribes, some of which are savagely intolerant of other people; but of the Central Russian race, which after all has the power in its own hands, and can arrange the home almost as it will. Russia loves complexity, she is tolerant, she is also profound in thought, not given to superficiality. She has a farreaching vision, and her Church at

least has for long been preoccupied with the idea of the union of humanity. Pan-human ideals have long since been expressed, and many who died in their struggle against the old Tsardom did so, not so much in the name of local freedom and a partisan political view, as in the name of universal brotherhood.

It is of course true that the phrase universal brotherhood" as used from workingmen's platforms is little more than the expression of a domestic sentiment. The narrowness of the life and outlook of the poor workers voicing it evokes the scorn of the cultured and the traveled, especially among our own people. The same is true in Russia, where the working man is more illiterate and narrow in outlook than those of the same class in the West. But there is this great difference in Russia-that the idea of brotherhood and even universal brotherhood permeates all classes of society. And in social if not yet in political relationships tolerance rules. Condemnation, and exclusion, and the boycott, and the sending to Coventry, and "cutting," and giving the cold shoulder, and even calling for punishment-God's punishment-on the neighbor, are not frequent in the Russian vocabulary and literature. The Russian charity is an almost all

inclusive charity. Hence at this

late era it is still possible for Russian Socialists to dwell in a state of love and charity with their German confrères. "In the future there shall be one language," says Solovyof, "but it shall not be an exclusive but rather

when the ideals of mankind are made common for all, the new language will be one that embodies all the partial languages.

Russian social philosophy, moreover, contemplates an all-inclusive human society, a true Catholicism, supported first on the recognition and tolerance of all diversity of expression, the scaffolding of the city of God, built and cemented with love and mutual enhancement. To say that we are all disjecta membra of Christ is merely theology to us in the West, but in the East it is a living daily understanding of our pathos on the road of destiny. The vision is of a world-republic. No, of more than that, of a worldChurch, of all-Humanity as one in love and mutual understanding and praise of God, Sophia.

Because of this vision, which, even if only seen or realized in a small part, is stupendous and greater than anything our earthly records tell of in the past, the Russian revolution is the first and most significant solution which the war has caused. The

League of Nations has been called the germ of the Super-State. The change in the conditions of the Russian people reveals the possibility of an agreement and an understanding and a unity in Europe. It is that which has given to the great destructive calamity a new creative aspect. The old must all be pulled down in order that the new may be built.

To revert, however, to Russia. She is the hope of Europe. If she settles her problems beautifully, Europe may be trusted to do so also. But if she becomes a prey to anarchy and disruption, is more devastated and falls to pieces, Europe in future may be also one of extreme desolation and low life. If she becomes a brassy, blatant, business State, Europe also will turn all her energies to commerce, with trade wars and bread wars following.

For it is an error to suppose that separate Republics are less capable of making war on one another than monarchies. If Germany becomes a business republic and lives in a state of unreconciled spiritual and material interest with her neighbors, she will make war again and more successfully. Russia has the rôle of saying the prologue of the new drama. Rightly understood, the prologue foreshadows what the story is, and the five acts following it tell it at more length and make the substance of it. It is as yet undecided; nothing is clear except the material out of which the new must emerge. The great hope is that Russia will show us a new experiment in democracy, and that there may be a further realization of the complex and beautiful genius of the people. We may see in the course of time something without counterpart in the old; not merely the realization of some Western idea of government such as Republicanism or Socialism, not merely the culmination of opportunism and selfishness, a business State, but the birth of a new child, a new body politic with its dreams and daring, its vision and splendor. And that which is best and truest in Russia will come forth and have the pride of place. Nothing beautiful of the old will be lost; it will be carried on into the new, redreamed, re-found, re-expressed, its Christianity not failing, its literature The London Quarterly Review.

I.

and art not failing, its brotherliness, frankness, and generosity not failing, its colors not lost in mere republican grayness, its complexity of form and genius for new groupings and formations not lost in the discipline and rigidity of ordinary Socialism, Russia the God-bearer, as Dostievsky called her, giving to Europe the marvelous Christ Child.

It is by faith that all who love Russia can see her new Destiny is in our keeping, in our hearts. As we look creatively on chaos, there arises shape and form. And looking creatively is love, whereas looking destructively is hate; idealism and criticism, the substance of peace and the substance of war. And after the greatest period of destruction and dissolution comes naturally the greatest reaction Humanity has ever known towards construction and unity. Hence the vision. It may be merely the vision in a dream. Mankind has ever lived for dreams and visions, and expected the outside varying world to conform to its ideal. In the past it has always failed to conform. But if the world must be desolate, and the altar on which we sacrifice show itself merely as a senseless, all-devouring bonfire, if Russia instead of showing external unity be swept by anarchy or become a Mammon-serving State, the dream will still remain. Humanity has at least been united in the heart.

The world hardly sees yet a shadow of the revolution in its habits and customs which is impending, and will follow the use of the air as a highway. The aircraft industry, weak and struggling no longer, thanks to the stimulus

Stephen Graham.

of war, is planning already the building of machines which will be sufficiently powerful and airworthy to maintain regular services by air for passengers, mails, and light express goods. More experience in construction has been gained during two and a half years of

war than would have been possible under peace conditions in many years. The industry is now organized, and stronger financially; and only a year or so should elapse after the war before the first air services are run on a commercial basis between London and the Continent, and also between London and the cities of the Midlands and the North. This is no longer the dream of an enthusiast. The recent constructional progress has been such that passenger services by air could be organized even at the present time, were the industry not pre-occupied with its work in connection with the

war.

By means of technical improvements which have become feasible, and which need only peace conditions to enable them to be carried into effect, it should be possible, almost immediately after the war, to build passenger aircraft which will carry twenty-five or fifty people at an average speed of nearly 100 miles an hour. And this will form a stepping-stone to larger craft, fitted with motors developing thousands of horse-power, which should attain speeds of 200, 250, and perhaps even 300 miles an hour. Time and money-not forgetting the skill of designers and constructors, and an infinite patience and perseverance— are all that are required to bring about this era. We have sufficient knowledge at the present time to indicate that there are no technical difficulties which should prove insuperable、

The demand of the commercial world, for years prior to the war, was for greater speed in transit. Time, representing money, had been growing daily more valuable. After the war, huge schemes of reconstruction will become necessary, and there should be an immense quickening of trade activity in all quarters of the globe. With the employment of commercial aircraft, able to pass without devia

tion above land, sea, forests, or mountains, the question of distance, or of the difficulty of communication through natural obstacles, will cease to be a barrier between nations.

II.

The first use of commercial aircraft should be as mail-carriers; and it is possible that the first experimental services will be attempted over localities remote from large centers of population, where the nature of the country makes it difficult to maintain regular communication by land; also to link up by air-mail the widely scattered communities such as exist in our dominions over-sea.

America, France, and Italy are concerning themselves already with the question of establishing air mail services; and the British Government, with foreign possessions in which air mail services might be established with great convenience to the inhabitants, has every reason to do the same. The recent appointment of the Civil Aerial Transport Committee is an indication that the authorities are now becoming alive to the importance of commercial aeronautics. The main task of this Committee is to recommend to the Government what steps shall be taken, when the war is over, to develop civil flying in all its aspects.

The American Government, it is understood, intends to operate an air-mail, with a service twice weekly, between the Alaskan coast and certain of the inaccessible districts which lie inland. It is hoped, by means of the air service, to make journeys in five or six hours which, by land transport, have sometimes taken as long as three weeks.

The French Government has established a Committee which is investigating the whole question of transporting mails by air; and one of the aims of this Committee is to determine, if