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changes he had come to realize, even more fully than ever before, how close in fundamentals these men are.

He said the emerging agreement, as he had listened to the talks of the day, seemed to center on four particular principles.

Let me say parenthetically that the President, for alphabetical reasons, was the last speaker. He took notes as the other persons spoke. He used those notes as he made his own talk.

He said that these appear to center around four principles:

First, "The determination of all that aggression must fail."

He then pointed out that one of the countries represented at the table, South Vietnam, is being subjected to an attack from the outside, and to "the most brutal form of terror inside."

Then he went on to say that "the rest of us at this table have joined in the defense of that friend.

"Already, I sense a deeper feeling of purpose among the men who have met today to see what we can do; to evaluate what we have done for that friend."

The President recalled that every nation represented at the conference today at the palace had had an experience in one way or another with the problem of aggression.

He said, "I think every one of us here recognizes what we know to be a painful lesson of history, and that is that the time to meet, the time to turn back aggression, is very early in the game, and not late. As I have listened to your speeches, as I have heard the questioning of the speakers, as I have listened to General Westmoreland's evaluation, General Vien's evaluation, I have reached the conclusion that the first principle around which we have gathered ourselves is resistance, the resistance of aggression."

He said, "A second theme has emerged

from these speeches which I would call reconstruction. This is our commitment,” he said, "to the job of pacification and development. Vietnam has for many years felt the full force of terror and aggression.

"Now we have built a shield by our joint efforts behind which we can turn increas ingly to the job of rebuilding this nation that has felt so much pain, so much horror, so much agony. I think that this is in many respects a much more difficult job than that job facing our military forces that are fighting together in Vietnam even today. It is easier to destroy than to build."

That is a direct quote: "It is easier to destroy than to build."

"Yet, after I have heard the reports of our Vietnamese friends today, as in fact I heard. them in Honolulu 6 months ago, I have reaffirmed my own feeling that Vietnam is, with our assistance, surmounting problems. that seemed to be almost insurmountable a short time ago. It is up to the Vietnamese and it is up to us"-this is a direct quote"to make these plans come to life.

"Let me talk now briefly about the third principle that I have sensed prevalent in the session today, and that is our commitment, our new awareness of regional cooperation. I regard this meeting as a gathering of friends who know that they have a common stake in an orderly and stable Pacific and Asia region-not an exclusive stake, because there are nations not present at this meeting who have as much at stake as you do and ast we do.

"Nonetheless, I am sure that impetus toward the growing feeling of fellowship felt by Asian and Pacific nations will be a great accomplishment of this conference.

"I have seen and I have been told, and I have read, of the foundations of a new community that are already being laid. I think it has made remarkable progress in an

amazingly short period of time.

"What encourages me most is that the initiative has come from within the states, within the nations, of the Pacific and Asian region. I want to repeat what I have said already in New Zealand and Australia, and what I said last night to each of you individually: That our job-the job of my country is to cooperate when needed and when invited.

"Finally, I sense that while all of us are resolved to resist aggression, and while each of us is determined that aggression shall not succeed, I also have heard today the theme. of reconciliation. Perhaps this conference will provide, by the fact of our unity, new fuel for the cause of peace. But as some of you have already indicated, it is apparent that we must deal with an undeniable fact, a very cruel fact, that you cannot have a oneman peace conference. It takes two to sign a contract, and one side is not present in this room or at this table.

"I regret very much that that side has been unwilling so far to appear at any table, or even to talk quietly individually about the peace that could come if it changed its mind. And yet I feel very sure and very certain that as a result of our unity, as a result of our determination, peace will come.

"It may come at a conference, it may come through quiet diplomacy that goes unreported, or it may come simply by the decision of the men who are waging aggression to halt what they are doing.

"When that day comes, it is obvious to me that the hand reaching out from this. room will be the hand of reconciliation. Enemies will resolve their differences, large states and small states theirs, and those with different ideologies can learn to live together.

"That, of course, is apparently the hope of all of us. But I am absolutely convinced

also that the first requirement for a change of attitude on the other side is the sure conviction that our side is firm, that our side is strong, and our side is unyielding in its commitment to the independence and the right of self-determination for the people of South Vietnam."

He said, "I have stated it from many stumps in my country and in many broadcasts in my country: We want peace."

He said, "If any man in this room has a formula for peace, I hope he will offer it to

us."

He said, "In the last few days I have seen several lovers of peace, seekers of peace. I have seen their banners that say 'We Want Peace,' and I say, 'So do I.' I have seen their banners that say 'We Hate War,' and I say, 'So do I.'

"But I would also like to say to those men and women, those young people carrying those signs, 'You brought the banners to the wrong person. Take your banners to Hanoi, because there is where the decision for peace hangs in the balance.'

"In the meantime," he said, "as we hope and as we pray, from our action here let all of those who would feed on their neighbors, let all of those who have an appetite for the territory of someone else, let the bullies of the world know that when they do attack their neighbors, the friends of their neighbors will be there to resist it.”

Q. Is that a direct quote?

MR. MOYERS. That is a direct quote.

Then he went back briefly to talk about the economic war. He said he was very encouraged by the speeches of the South Vietnamese, and that he felt that was really the most important war.

He said he senses that all of us feel that. He said, "I want the people"-this is a direct quote-"of Asia to have the blessings

that have come to industrial nations, and I am going to devote myself to that end with the time allotted to me."

NOTE: The President spoke at 4:37 p.m. at Malacanang Palace in Manila. During his remarks he referred to Ferdinand E. Marcos, President of the Philippines, Gen. William C. Westmoreland, Commander, United States Military Assistance Com

mand, Vietnam, and Gen. Cao Van Vien, Chairman of the Joint General Staff, Armed Forces, Republic of Vietnam.

The summary of the President's remarks was read at 7:03 p.m. on October 24 by Bill D. Moyers, Special Assistant to the President, at a joint news conference with José D. Aspiras, Press Secretary to President Marcos, held at the Manila Hotel in Manila. The text of the joint news conference was released in Manila.

549 Manila Summit Conference Documents. October 25, 1966

[1.] DECLARATION OF GOALS Of Freedom

We, the seven nations gathered in Manila, declare our unity, our resolve, and our purpose in seeking together the goals of freedom in Vietnam and in the Asian and Pacific areas. They are:

1. To be free from aggression.

2. To conquer hunger, illiteracy, and disease.

3. To build a region of security, order, and progress.

4. To seek reconciliation and peace throughout Asia and the Pacific.

[2.] JOINT STATEMENT

INTRODUCTION

1. In response to an invitation from the President of the Republic of the Philippines, after consultations with the President of the Republic of Korea and the Prime Ministers of Thailand and the Republic of Vietnam, the leaders of seven nations in the Asian and Pacific region held a summit conference in Manila on October 24 and 25, 1966, to consider the conflict in South Vietnam and to review their wider purposes in Asia and the Pacific. The participants were Prime Minister Harold Holt of Australia, President

Park Chung Hee of the Republic of Korea, Prime Minister Keith Holyoake of New Zealand, President Ferdinand E. Marcos of the Philippines, Prime Minister Thanom Kittikachorn of Thailand, President Lyndon B. Johnson of the United States of America, and Chairman Nguyen Van Thieu and Prime Minister Nguyen Cao Ky of the Republic of Vietnam.

BASIC POLICY

2. The nations represented at this conference are united in their determination that the freedom of South Vietnam be secured, in their resolve for peace, and in their deep concern for the future of Asia and the Pacific. Some of us are now close to the actual danger, while others have learned to know its significance through bitter past experience. This conference symbolizes our common purposes and high hopes.

3. We are united in our determination that the South Vietnamese people shall not be conquered by aggressive force and shall enjoy the inherent right to choose their own way of life and their own form of government. We shall continue our military and all other efforts, as firmly and as long as may be necessary, in close consultation among ourselves until the aggression is ended.

4. At the same time our united purpose is peace-peace in South Vietnam and in the rest of Asia and the Pacific. Our common commitment is to the defense of the South Vietnamese people. Our sole demand on the leaders of North Vietnam is that they abandon their aggression. We are prepared to pursue any avenue which could lead to a secure and just peace, whether through discussion and negotiation or through reciprocal actions by both sides to reduce the violence.

5. We are united in looking to a peaceful and prosperous future for all of Asia and the Pacific. We have therefore set forth in a separate declaration a statement of the principles that guide our common actions in this wider sphere.

6. Actions taken in pursuance of the policies herein stated shall be in accordance with our respective constitutional processes.

application of the Geneva Conventions, and called on Hanoi to do so. They reaffirmed their determination to comply fully with the Geneva Conventions of 1949 for the Protection of War Victims, and welcomed the resolution adopted by the Executive Committee of the League of Red Cross Societies on October 8, 1966, calling for compliance with the Geneva Conventions in the Vietnam conflict, full support for the International Committee of the Red Cross, and immediate action to repatriate seriously sick and wounded prisoners of war. They agreed to work toward the fulfillment of this resolution, in cooperation with the International Committee of the Red Cross, and indicated their willingness to meet under the auspices of the ICRC or in any appropriate forum to discuss the immediate exchange of prisoners.

PACIFICATION AND REVOLUTION DEVELOPMENT

PROGRESS AND PROGRAMS IN SOUTH VIETNAM; THE MILITARY EFFORT

7. The Government of Vietnam described the significant military progress being made against aggression. It noted with particular gratitude the substantial contribution being made by free world forces.

8. Nonetheless, the leaders noted that the movement of forces from North Vietnam continues at a high rate and that firm military action and free world support continue to be required to meet the threat. The necessity for such military action and support must depend for its size and duration on the intensity and duration of the Communist aggression itself.

9. In their discussion, the leaders reviewed the problem of prisoners of war. The participants observed that Hanoi has consistently refused to cooperate with the International Committee of the Red Cross in the

10. The participating governments concentrated particular attention on the accelerating efforts of the Government of Vietnam to forge a social revolution of hope and progress. Even as the conflict continues, the effort goes forward to overcome the tyranny of poverty, disease, illiteracy and social injustice.

11. The Vietnamese leaders stated their intent to train and assign a substantial share of the armed forces to clear-and-hold actions in order to provide a shield behind which a new society can be built.

12. In the field of Revolutionary Development, measures along the lines developed. in the past year and a half will be expanded and intensified. The training of Revolutionary Development cadres will be improved. More electricity and good water will be provided. More and better schools will be built and staffed. Refugees will be

taught new skills. Health and medical facilities will be expanded.

13. The Vietnamese Government declared that it is working out a series of measures to modernize agriculture and to assure the cultivator the fruits of his labors. Land reform and tenure provisions will be granted top priority. Agricultural credit will be expanded. Crops will be improved and diversified.

14. The Vietnamese leaders emphasized that underlying these measures to build confidence and cooperation among the people there must be popular conviction that honesty, efficiency and social justice form solid cornerstones of the Vietnamese Government's programs.

15. This is a program each of the conferring governments has reason to applaud recognizing that it opens a brighter hope for the people of Vietnam. Each pledged its continuing assistance according to its means, whether in funds or skilled technicians or equipment. They noted also the help in non-military fields being given by other countries and expressed the hope that this help will be substantially increased.

Port of Saigon, so that imports urgently needed to fuel the military effort and buttress the civil economy can flow rapidly into Vietnam.

17. Looking to the long-term future of their richly endowed country, the Vietnamese representatives described their views. and plans for the building of an expanded postwar economy.1

18. Military installations where appropriate will be converted to this purpose, and plans for this will be included.

19. The conferring nations reaffirmed their continuing support for Vietnamese efforts to achieve economic stability and progress. Thailand specifically noted its readiness to extend substantial new credit assistance for the purchase of rice and the other nations present reported a number of plans for the supply of food or other actions. related to the economic situation. At the same time the participants agreed to appeal to other nations and to international organizations committed to the full and free development of every nation, for further assistance to the Republic of Vietnam.

ECONOMIC STABILITY AND PROGRESS

16. The Conference was told of the success of the Government of Vietnam in controlling the inflation which, if unchecked, could undercut all efforts to bring a more fulfilling life to the Vietnamese people. However, the Vietnamese leaders reaffirmed that only by constant effort could inflation be kept under control. They described their intention to enforce a vigorous stabilization program, to control spending, increase revenues, and seek to promote savings in order to hold the 1967 inflationary gap to the minimum practicable level. They also plan to take further measures to insure maximum utilization of the

POLITICAL EVOLUTION

20. The representatives of Vietnam noted. that, even as the Conference met, steps were

'On December 16, 1966, the White House announced that in response to a request from Prime Minister Nguyen Cao Ky of the Republic of Vietnam the U.S. Government would join with South Vietnam in a joint effort on the long-run development of the Vietnamese economy.

The release stated that David Lilienthal had agreed to organize a group from his Development and Resources Corporation and other U.S. sources with experience in development planning. The release pointed out that this group, operating under contract to the Agency for International Development, would work closely with a counterpart Vietnamese team led by Professor Nguyen Dang Thuc of the University of Saigon (2 Weekly Comp. Pres. Docs., p. 1799).

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