demand made upon us. To-day we are putting forth our utmost efforts to re-enforce our armies in the field. Without conditions or threats we are exerting our energies to strengthen the hands of Government and to replace it in the commanding position it held in the eyes of the world before recent disasters. We are pouring out our blood, our treasures and our men, to rescue it from a position in which it can neither propose peace nor conduct successful war. And this support is freely and generously accorded. We wish to see our Union saved, our laws vindicated, and peace once more restored to our land. We do not claim more virtue or intelligence than we award to our opponents, but we now have the sad and bloody proof that we act upon sounder principles of government. Animated by the motto we have placed upon our banner-"The Union, the Constitution and the Laws". -we go into the political contest confident of the support of a people who can not be deaf or blind to the teachings of the last two years."

CHAPTER XI.

MESSAGE OF 1863 AND INVASION OF PENNSYLVANIA.

UPON his nomination Gov. Seymour resolved upon a course unusual in the political history of New York, which was to traverse the State, and address meetings. This involved a vast amount of labor, and he was obliged to speak mainly to outdoor meetings nine times each week, in addition to the toil of travel, and of his intercourse with the throngs which came to hear him. The Republicans were confident of victory. They were supported by the full force of the power and patronage of the State and National Governments. They were arrogant and threatening; but they were met by a firm defiance and a fixed purpose on the part of the Democratic partye exercise their rights of speaking and of voting. The result of this canvass, which is unparalleled in the political history of New York, was a signal triumph, which saved its citizens from outrages and insults, which in all human probabilities would have led to dangerous disturbances.

The inauguration of Governor Seymour on the first of January, 1863, excited the liveliest interest throughout the country. It took place in the Assembly Chamber, in the presence of a large and enthusiastic audience; Gov. Seymour was introduced by the retiring Governor Morgan, and said:

"Fellow-citizens: In your presence I have solemnly sworn to support the Constitution of the United States, with all its grants, restrictions and guarantees, and shall support it. (Cheers.) I have also sworn to support another Constitution, the Constitution of the State of New York, with all its powers and rights. I shall uphold it (Great applause.) I have sworn faithfully to perform the duties of the office of Governor of this State, and with your aid they shall be faithfully performed. These constitutions and laws are meant for the guidance of official conduct, and for your protection and welfare. * * * * This occasion, fellow-citizens, when official power is so courteously transferred from the hands of one political organization to those of another, holding opposite sentiments upon public affairs, is not only a striking exemplification of the spirit of our institutions, but highly honorable to the minority party. Had our misguided fellow-citizens of the South acted as the minority of the citizens of our own State (a minority but little inferior in numbers to the majority) are now acting in this surrender of power, the nation would not now be involved in civil war.-(Applause.)"

He closed as follows:

"Under no circumstance can the division of the Union be conceded. We will put forth every exertion of power; we will use every policy of conciliation; we will hold out every inducement to the people of the South, to return to their allegiance, consistent with honor; we will guaranty them every right, every consideration demanded by the Constitution, and by that fraternal regard which must prevail in a common country; but we can never voluntarily consent to the breaking up of the Union of these States, or the destruction of the Constitution."

On the 7th he transmitted his message to the Senate. This document contained an able review of the public affairs.

We are only able to quote from it very briefly. In view of the denunciations of the administration, in which the radical press were then indulging, the following passage is interesting:

"In order to uphold our Government, it is also necessary that we should show respect to the authority of our rulers. While acting

within the limits of their jurisdictions, and representing the interests, the honor, and the dignity of our people, they are entitled to deference. Where it is their right to decide upon measures and policy, it is our duty to obey and to give a ready support to their decisions. This is a vital maxim of liberty. Without this loyalty, no Government can conduct public affairs with success, no people can be safe in the enjoyment of their rights. This duty is peculiarly strong under our system, which gives the people the right at their elections to sit in judgment upon their rulers, to commend or condemn them to keep them in, or expel them from official stations."

In reference to arbitrary arrests, he said :

"Our people have viewed with alarm, practices and pretensions on the part of officials, which violate every principle of good order, of civil liberty, and of constitutional law. It is claimed that in time of war the President has powers, as Commander-in-Chief of our armies, which authorize him to declare martial law, not only within the sphere of hostile movements, where other law can not be enforced, but also over our whole land. That at his pleasure he can disregard not only the statutes of Congress, but the decisions of the National judiciary. That in loyal States the least intelligent class of officials may be clothed with power not only to act as spies and informers, but, also, without due process of law, to seize and imprison our citizens, and carry them beyond the limits of the State, to hold them in prisons without a hearing or a knowledge of the offenses with which they are charged. Not only the passions and prejudices of these inferior agents lead them to acts of tyranny, but their interests are advanced and their positions secured by promoting discontent and discord. Even to ask the aid of counsel has been held to be an offense. It has been well said that 'to be arrested for one knows not what; to be confined, no one entitled to ask where; to be tried, no one can say when, by a law nowhere known or established; or to linger out life in a cell without trial, presents a body of tyranny which can not be enlarged.'

"The suppression of journals and the imprisonment of persons have been glaringly partisan, allowing to some the utmost licentiousness of criticism, and punishing others for a fair exercise of the right of discussion. Conscious of these gross abuses, an attempt has been made to shield the violators of law and suppress inquiry into their motives and conduct. This attempt will fail. Unconstitutional acts can not be shielded by unconstitutional laws. Such attempts will

not save the guilty, while they will bring a just condemnation upon those who try to pervert the powers of legislation to the purposes of oppression. To justify such action by precedents drawn from the practice of governments where there is no restraint upon legislative power, will be of no avail under our system, which restrains the Government and protects the citizen by written constitutions.

"I shall not inquire what rights States in rebellion have forfeited, but I deny that this rebellion can suspend a single right of the citizens of loyal States. I denounce the doctrine that civil war in the South takes away from the loyal North the benefits of one principle of civil liberty.

“It is a high crime to abduct a citizen of this State. It is made my duty by the Constitution to see that the laws are enforced. I shall investigate every alleged violation of our statutes, and see that offenders are brought to justice. Sheriffs and district attorneys are admonished that it is their duty to take care that no person within their respective counties is imprisoned, or carried by force beyond their limits, without due process of legal authority. The removal to England of persons charged with offense, away from their friends, their witnesses and means of defense, was one of the acts of tyranny for which we asserted our independence. The abduction of citizens from this State, for offenses charged to have been done here, and carrying them many hundred miles to distant prisons in other States or Territories, is an outrage of the same character upon every prin ciple of right and justice.

"The General Government has ample powers to establish courts, to appoint officers to arrest, and commissioners to hear complaints, and to imprison upon reasonable grounds of suspicion. It has a judicial system, in full and undisturbed operation. Its own courts, held at convenient points in this and other loyal States, are open for the hearing of all complaints. If its laws are not ample for the punishment of offenses, it is due to the neglect of those in power.

"Government is not strengthened by the exercise of doubtful powers, but by a wise and energetic exertion of those which are incontestable. The former course never fails to produce discord, suspicion and distrust, while the latter inspires respect and confidence.

"This loyal State, whose laws, whose courts, and whose officers have thus been treated with marked and public contempt, and whose social order and sacred rights have been violated, was at the very time sending forth great armies to protect the National Capital, and to save the national officials from flight or capture. It was while