CONCLUSION OF SPEECH.

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prevalent in our country. It creates false standards of virtue. It misleads men in their estimates of themselves. How many men, harsh and hard in their dealings with their fellow-citizens, fancy themselves benevolent because they cherish a hatred of real or fancied wrong in remote parts of our country? How many who omit the charities and kindnesses of daily life, who forget to aid the poor in the next street, quiet their consciences by denunciations of those whom they charge with being wrongdoers a thousand miles away? How many bad men gain influence and power at home by occupying the public mind with alleged wrongs abroad? How many arrogate to themselves an exclusive Christianity because they reverse every principle of its teachings in their sentiments toward their fellowmen? How many have given rifles for Kansas who would not give aid to their suffering neighbors. The present practice of stirring up popular passions, threatens to destroy all freedom of opinion, and all individuality of action.

"The pulpit and the press are becoming unfaithful. They follow in the wake of popular excitement. They do not point out nor combat the faults of readers or hearers, but administer to the selfcomplacency by fierce denunciations of their distant fellow-citizens. They assume the bearing of courage while acting upon the principles of cowardice.

"Fanaticism gives its subjects no rest. It drives them on from one subject of excitement to another, from one hatred to another, from one persecution to another. We know that the political fanatic of to-day will be foremost in the religious persecutions of to-morrow.

"The leprosy of hypocrisy is spread over our land, giving us an outward whiteness because there is an internal corruption. Religion, charity and morals are hidden by 'vindictive piety' and 'malignant benevolence,' at war with every principle of Christianity. Unless the good and patriotic rebuke this spirit of cant and fanaticism, the sourness and hatred of the 'round head' will again, in its reaction, be followed by the gross licentiousness of the cavalier."

CHAPTER VIII.

FROM 1854 TO 1861.

CINCINNATI CONVENTION.

BETWEEN the close of the year 1854 and the Presidential canvass of 1856, Governor Seymour was indefatigable in his efforts to heal the breaches which threatened the integrity of the Democratic party; as well as to arouse the country to a true sense of the danger from the violent sectional agitations and conflicts then inaugurated for party purposes by the Northern Republican leaders. No public man was more outspoken and earnest in the discussion of public matters; and he, more than any other living Democratic politician, canvassed the State and nation. He was never a dumb or timid candidate; nor a time-serving politician. On all public questions he had well-matured and well-defined views, and convictions which he never sought to conceal from his fellow-citizens.

During this period also, he delivered several addresses before various literary and other societies; and received from Hamilton College and from the Norwich University the honorary degree of LL.D. He spent much time at the West, studying the characteristics and topography of the country, and the wants and necessities of its people.

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The system of State commissions was instituted for party-purposes, at this period, with the intent of taking from the great city of New York control over their own affairs, and placing the same in the hands of the bold and bad men that came into power with the Republican party. Among the first of these partisan and aggressive schemes was the original organization of the metropolitan police, which, at the time, was generally looked upon as a glaring violation of the letter of the State Constitution, as well as of the true theory of popular government. After some resistance on the part of the local authorities, the legal question was presented to the Court of Appeals; and that body felt competent to decide that the evasion of the Constitution by the creation of the metropolitan district, was so complete, that the law must be sustained. Hiram Denio-an able jurist and prominent Democrat―delivered the opinion of the Court, which opinion was adverse to the views and sentiments of the great mass of the Democratic party, and particularly distasteful to the Democratic officials in the city.

Cotemporaneous with the publication of this decision, was held the nominating convention of 1857, when a successor to Judge Denio was to be selected. The party demanded a new candidate, and few deemed the re-nominating of the Judge either desirable or possible. At the very moment when the selection was about to be made, and after new names had been suggested, and speeches had been made denouncing the decision of the Court, Mr. Seymour, then a delegate from the county of Oneida, ascended

the platform, and proposed the re-nomination of Judge Denio, advocating the same as the true mode of vindicating the sincerity of the party in its professions of respect for an independent judiciary. Although hostile to the system of commissions, and differing from Judge Denio in his views of the law, "Yet," said he, "let us nominate him, not because we approve his decision, but because we respect his office, have confidence in his motives, and are willing to accept and observe any statute legitimately passed and affirmed by the courts." "It is," said he, "the pride, the boast, and the strength of the Democratic party, that it is law-abiding. It is this that constitutes its conservatism, making it at the same time the party of progress and reform, and in its submission to lawful authority and observance of constitutional compacts, the guardian of the National Faith, the rights of the States, and the property and liberties of the citizens."

The occasion was one of great excitement; and the speech of Governor Seymour, the proudest of his whole life. The Convention at first listened in respectful silence, until convinced, when, catching the enthusiasm of the eloquent speaker, it broke into applause. The issue had been met, and the victory was complete. Judge Denio was promptly re-nominated by a convention that radically differed with him on this question; and he was triumphantly elected by the people. This attitude of the party carried the State, although a majority of the people were then in party sympathy with their opponents.

In the Cincinnati Convention, Governor Seymour

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was its leading delegate. His friends inclined to the support of Judge Douglas, but cordially acquiesced in the selection of Buchanan and Breckinridge; in whose behalf he made strenuous exertions, speaking in almost every county in the State, in other States, and wherever requested by the committee directing the campaign. These valuable services were appreciated by President Buchanan, who, on his accession to power, tendered to Governor Seymour a position abroad-suggesting a first class mission to one of the European courts-a post for which Seymour was admirably qualified by nature and education; but flattering as was the offer, and desirable as was the position, Governor Seymour preferred to remain in private life.

When relieved from the duties of public office, Governor Seymour resumed his country life. It has been a desire with him to promote the substantial and permanent interests of agriculture; and the accomplishment of such a result would undoubtedly give him more satisfaction, and be the source of more unalloyed pleasure, than success in almost any other department of business.

This trait in the Governor's character is well understood by his neighbors, and by many agriculturists of other States. Soon after his nomination for the Presidency, the following appreciative article appeared in a leading paper published in Pennsylvania :

"Horatio Seymour, although a man of the most brilliant parts—a profound scholar, a magnificent orator, a wise, sagacious and experienced statesman-is only a plain farmer after all. From the peace