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one of its objects-to facilitate mutual intercourse among its members -by which I understand it is their design to promote that honorable pride of their profession which will induce them to elevate it to its best estate--to render it subservient, not only to their individual interests, but also to the honor and welfare of this great commercial metropolis. This community has heretofore evinced a want of pride in its numerous institutions, and of that local attachment which has characterized some of its commercial rivals. I have glanced briefly at some of the commercial advantages which this city enjoys, to show that its harbor is not to be regarded merely as the mouth of the Hudson, but as the point where the productions of the vast regions of our country are to be exchanged for those of other climes. The inhabitants of our own State, and of the fertile valleys of the West, must in a few years intrust the products of their labor and their skill to the care of those who now constitute the members of this society. Their intelligence and fidelity will be considerations of national importance. The extent to which the productions of our soil will be sent into the different markets of the world, will depend in a great degree upon their skill and enterprise as merchants. The profession in which they are about to engage has been regarded as one of great dignity and interest in all periods of the world's history. Heathen mythology exalted the early navigators to the ranks of heroes and demigods. Commerce furnishes many of the most striking figures in the history of the Old Testament, and for the sublime verse of Milton. But at no period since the wisest and wealthiest monarch sent ships to the isles of the sea to bring back myrrh, and gems, and gold, has commerce exerted a greater influence than at present upon the condition of the world and the progress of events. At this time the mightiest nations of Europe are exerting all their energies to send out disciplined armies and naval forces to maintain what they deem to be their national rights and liberties. And yet these mighty efforts will fall far short of the influences which the merchants of this city are exerting in the ordinary course of their pursuits in bringing annually to this port three hundred thousand persons who are seeking the protection of our laws, the advantages of our institutions, and the benefits of our fertile and productive soil. Whatever may be the result of the present European war, it will fall far short of the influences which immigration to this country will exert upon the relative strength and power of nations. While the ranks of European armies will merely serve to whiten with their bleached bones some battle-field, those whom commerce brings to our shores will build up flourishing cities

THE THANKSGIVING PROCLAMATION.

41

and States, aud constitute an enduring source of national wealth and greatness. I have glanced briefly and imperfectly upon the great responsibilities to soon devolve upon the members of this association. If they shall possess the requisite intelligence, liberality, and enterprise, they may render this city not only the emporium of our own land, but it may be hereafter said of her as of commercial Venice :

"Her daughters had their dowers

From spoils of nations, and the exhausted East
Pour'd in her lap all gems in sparkling showers;
In purple was she robed, and of her feast

Monarchs partook, and deemed their dignity increased.""

We have spoken of the abuse to which Governor Seymour was subjected. This settled purpose on the part of political preachers and others, to look at every act of his in an unfavorable light, sometimes led to amusing results. On one occasion, when he was about to issue a thanksgiving proclamation, an eminent doctor of divinity came into his room. As it was to be an appeal to the religious sentiments of the people, the governor asked him to draw it up, which he did, in suitable terms. No sooner was it printed than it was assailed, particularly by the paper which was the organ of the church to which the doctor belonged, which declared that it had read the proclamation with pain and mortification: that it was evidently written by a man of infidel tendencies, and one who had never experienced vital piety. While the governor did not deem it his duty to let the public know who the author was, it was quietly suggested to his brother clergymen that they should look closely after the heretical views of their associate, and the worthy doctor has never heard the last of this criticism on his orthodoxy.

These constant attacks upon the character, habits,

and person of the governor are not without their advantages, as he constantly meets those who have formed their ideas of him from what has been said in the pulpit and the press; and who, shocked by the grossness of the falsehood, have ever after looked upon him more favorably than perhaps they would have done if they had not felt how indecently they had been cheated and misled.

But the prejudices of some men are so strong that they will not believe their own eyes. Upon one occasion, when Governor Seymour was traveling with a prominent Republican official, and a vehement advocate of the Maine Law, some one pointed him out to one of these men so full of vindictive piety and malignant philanthropy. The latter, mistaking his Republican friend for the governor himself, exclaimed, with great feeling, that he was just such a looking man as he expected to see; that it was clear he drank himself, and wanted everybody else to drink, and there was vice upon every lineament of his countenance. The governor's Republican friends were silent upon the subject of the Maine Law during the rest of their journey.

CHAPTER VI.

ELECTION OF 1854.

WгTн the close of his term as governor, in 1854, Mr. Seymour earnestly desired to retire from official life; but he had acquired too strong a hold upon the affections and confidence of the people to be thus relieved. The State convention of his political friends, against his earnest remonstrance, unanimously placed him in renomination, putting Colonel William H. Ludlow, then late speaker of the assembly, and more recently chief-of-staff to General Dix, on the ticket with him, as the candidate for lieutenant-governor. So determined were the great leaders of the Union Democracy of the State of New York at that time, that Governor Seymour should not decline the candidacy, that they suppressed the messages passing between him at Albany, and his friends at Syracuse, where the convention was in session.

At this period the internal feuds of the party in the Empire State were at their height. The administration of Mr. Pierce, and the course of Mr. Douglass on the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, were bitterly assailed. Each section seemed to have implicit confidence in the sound patriotism and integrity of the governor; but great jealousy was manifested of his friends and

surroundings; and a determined effort was made by rival leaders to get control of the national patronage, in many cases without regard to the local feelings and interests of the party. Finally, these dissensions culminated in putting into the field Judge Bronson, as an opposing candidate.

The temperance question had become a disturbing element in party politics. Many ministers of the gospel, and others, misled for the time by a single idea, and overlooking the great distinction between that which is simply plausible and that which is constitutional, and lawful, and right, took ground against Governor Seymour, on account of his veto of the coercive Temperance Law, and ignoring the purity of his morals and his strictly temperate habits (his example at all times affording the most effective argument for their cause), assailed him from their pulpits and through the public press, and in public meetings, as the great apostle of intemperance, pauperism, and crime. These things, unfounded, vile, and silly as they were, were not without their influence. Thousands formed false ideas of Seymour's true character and position, and became possessed of prejudices which controlled their political action and associations.

Myron H. Clark, a State Senator, was the Whig and Temperance candidate; and Daniel Ullman the candidate of the American or Know-Nothing party, then in the vigor of its youth and the zenith of its power. The quadrangular contest was exciting and animated, and notwithstanding these attacks, Governor Seymorr exhibited a personal popularity