would give a man more than he now gains by ten, if it was not for the taxation which, in its endless forms, direct and indirect, swells up the cost of all he buys. He clearly proved that one hour of toil ought to pay a laborer's share of the cost of good government-that another hour was his full share toward the payment of the national debt-that the time which he was forced to labor, beyond eight hours, measured the waste and corruptions of government. He told of the swarms of idle and useless officials who are clothed and fed by his exertions. He pointed out the mockery of declaring that eight hours made a legal day's labor, if, at the same time, Congress piled up a load of taxation that forced him to work ten hours or starve; that this whole question of the labor movement resolved itself into a question of taxation; that to-day the tax-gatherer was the taskmaster; that men should see that if, beyond feeding and clothing themselves and their families, they had to feed and clothe great armies of armed men, and still greater and more voracious armies. of hungry officials, that the laborer must toil on, for these armies must be fed and clothed before himself or his family. The cost of this would be found in the price of the flour, meat, tea, sugar which he consumed, and of the clothing which he wore.

CHAPTER XXI.

THE ELECTION OF 1864.

MR. SEYMOUR was averse to be nominated for the office of Governor in 1864. He only yielded a partial assent to this act when it was urged that his refusal to run might be looked upon as showing a lack of confidence in the strength of General McClellan as a candidate. He had not favored the general at the Chicago convention, although he held him in the highest regard. Their relationships were of the most confidential and friendly character, but he thought the day had not come when the general's conduct and claims would be fairly considered, and that he ought not to be damaged by a premature trial. For these reasons he was embarrassed in making a direct refusal of a nomination which was unanimously tendered to him. Being thus placed upon the ticket, he was forced to make great sacrifices of time and exertions in a way not only injurious to his health and comfort, but in one that imperiled his liberty. He went forth in the face of the fact that his agents were locked up in prison; that he was threatened with arrest, and that an army was sent to keep by terror the voters from the polls of the city of New York. The fact that this armed force was commanded by General Butler was deemed

proof that the property as well as the political rights of the people of the State of New York was in danger. The Governor at once issued a proclamation, assuring the voters that they should be protected if need be, by the armed power of the State. The city of New York gave an enormous majority in favor of the Democratic ticket, and the unlucky general was forced to withdraw discomfited in his political efforts, and shorn of any spoils of victory. Although every appeal was made to the passions and prejudices of the soldiers, a majority of those from New York voted in favor of the Democratic nominees. While they were robbed of their votes by officials and at the post-offices throughout the States, yet the Democrats would have carried the State of New York had there been a sufficient number of voting places to enable all to deposit their ballots. Let those who think that gross and shameless abuse will harm the character of a nominee, compare the vote given to Governor Seymour in 1862, when he was elected, with that given in 1864, when he was declared defeated, and they will find that under all this storm of detraction and falsehood he gained 54,615 voters over those which were given him in 1862. His vote was 200,000 more than in 1854, when he came within 309 votes of an election, and nearly 100,000 more votes than in 1852, when he was elected by 22,000 majority. His vote in 1864 was much larger than that cast for any democratic candidate at any prior election.

The ceremony of the retirement of Governor Seymour, and the inauguration of Governor Fenton,

took place in the Assembly Chamber, at 12 M., Monday, January 2d. The chamber was crowded by members of the Legislature, citizens and strangers. Governor Seymour, as is usual, made a short address. He invoked the consideration of the people of the State for the incoming executive in the performance of onerous duties. He remarked:

"The present war has added to these duties, until the position of Chief Magistrate of this State calls for every energy of body and of mind. Within the past four years, New York has sent nearly 440,000 men to the armies and navies of the country. More than 30,000 military commissions have been given out by the Executive Department during the same period."

He then addressed Governor Fenton. The following is an extract from his remarks:

"To you, sir, who now enter upon the duties of Chief Magistrate of this great State, I tender my sincere wishes for your successful administration. You and I look upon public affairs from different stand-points, and we have held conflicting views and reached different conclusions with regard to the methods by which our country can best be saved from the perils which overhang it, but none the less, sir, have you my best wishes for your personal welfare and success in all the affairs of public and private life. In these days when we are called upon to confront problems so great, so vital, and so far-reaching in their effects, he who does not speak out his honest convictions lacks manhood, and he who can not treat with respect and forbearance the convictions of others lacks sense and patriotism. It is a source of pleasure to me that during the sharp political conflicts of the day, and the distinct antagonisms of our parties, our relation ships have been those of friendly courtesy."

Governor Seymour's relations with the executive officers of other States, and with his predecessors, successors, and opponents in his own State, have always been very cordial. In the contest against Governor Fenton, certain criminal proceedings were brought to

light in the records in the Albany courts, but Governor Seymour objected to their use in the campaign, and so far as they have been published, it has been done by Governor Fenton's enemies in his own party.

On May 10, 1864, Governor Seymour issued a general order of condolence and respect on the death of General James S. Wadsworth, who had been the opposing candidate in the contest of '62; speaking of him as "from the outset an ardent supporter of the war, to whom belongs the merit of freely periling his own person in upholding the opinions which he vindicated."