In his message of 1864, he recurred to these subjects in these words:

"A deep interest is felt with regard to our commerce with the Western States. Its growing value and the loss of our trade with the Southern States make us dependent for commercial prosperity upon that section of our country which sustains our domestic and foreign commerce, and which adds so largely to the imports and business prosperity of the city of New York. This State will be untrue to itself if it fails to control this great source of wealth by a vigorous and generous policy. Rather than suffer its diversion or depression, we should strike off all tolls upon Western produce.

"New York should exhibit that degree of interest in all measures designed to benefit the West which shall show our purpose to keep up the most intimate commercial relationship with that portion of our Union."

As the cost of transportation was at that time a serious injury to the West, and as, at an early period in the war, produce brought only nominal prices, and at one time corn was actually used for fuel in Southern Illinois, he urged that such discriminations should be made in favor of the West as would revive its industry. But he urged in vain, for the Republican party controlled the Legislature of the State. He has devoted much time and effort in favor of water communications between the Mississippi River and the Lakes, which would not only cheapen transportation, but, as they would be open to the use of all, would regulate the prices of railroad transportation for the Western States, as the Erie canal checks unreasonable charges within the limits of the State of New York.

When our present National Banking Law was established, and a bill was passed through the Legislature of New York allowing its banks to organize

under its provisions, he refused to sign the bill. He withheld his assent not only because he saw that the system involved a great loss of interest to the people of the country, but that it was doing a flagrant wrong to the Western States. The scheme limited the amount of bank circulation to three hundred millions of dollars. Those who had money were allowed to come in and take up these privileges without regard to the rights, or wants of the country at large. The privileges thus granted were of great value, and were completely sectionalized. The country was not only divided by our bonds into debtor and creditor States, but the entire control of bank currency was given to those States which made money out of the war, and which had been enriched by profitable contracts. The Western States were not then in a condition to enter into the struggle for their share of this banking privilege, and they are now, by its limitations, cut off from its benefits. Governor Seymour felt, that what was injurious to the West was injurious to the great interests of trade and commerce. He foresaw that this system would fasten upon the West rates of interest which, beyond even the enormous taxation. of Government, would paralyze its industry; and that a system which would prove so baleful could not be lasting. The States which hold an undue share of this currency need but little of it in their business affairs. Manufacturing and commercial communities have less need for the use of currency than agricultural States, as they conduct their business, to a large degree, by means of bank checks

and bank credits. But to buy the wheat and the corn of the great Northwestern States, currency is essential. No State in the Union needs as much as the State of Illinois, and yet, in common with the other Western States, it has but a trifling amount. This is not merely a matter of inconvenience, but it is also an enormous tax. When currency is wanted to buy up the wheat and corn, and other products of the West, Western bankers are obliged to come to the Eastern States to borrow bank bills which have been given to these Eastern States by the Government, in excess of their business wants. The Western banker has to pay an interest for the use of these bills, and thus he is compelled to charge the produce-buyer two interests: one for himself, and the other for the Eastern banker. While the commercial paper of the Western cities, for its purposes, its short dates, its places of payment at the East, and the security given by a bill of sale of the property that is sent forward, is made the best commercial paper of the country, it is charged with enormous discounts, ranging from eight to twelve per cent.-the like paper in the Eastern States would be discounted for five or six per cent. All of this, as well as the other costs of purchase and of transportation, is taken out of the pockets of the farmers of the West. The West complains of the want of currency: but it will be seen that the great difficulty is that the Government gave the share of currency due the West to a few of the Eastern States.

Foreseeing this wrong, Gov. Seymour did what he could to prevent the establishment of the system,

and he refused to remain a director of a bank with which he had been connected nearly thirty years, when it was reorganized under the national banking law. And while he has at all times firmly upheld the public faith, he has never allowed himself to be the owner of a single Government bond, for the reason that they were issued under a financial system which he opposed from the outset, and which he denounced as unwise and dangerous, as it was dividing our Union into debtor and creditor States, and engendered sectional controversies which were perilous to the peace of our country. He has always carefully abstained from any investment under a policy vhich he could not approve. While Gov. Seymour never had an interest in Government bonds, and while his property consists of real estate, a large share of which lies in the West, he has ever been so firm an advocate of the National faith, that the public was led to suppose that he was interested in Government securities. This, as has been explained, is untrue; he has no other interest in them than that of a tax-payer, no anxiety about them save that which springs from his desire to maintain the honor of our Government, the interests of the laborer, and the welfare of all classes of society.

7*

CHAPTER XX.

GOV. SEYMOUR AND THE INTERESTS OF LABOR.

GOV. SEYMOUR has always shown an active interest in favor of the mechanical, industrial, and laboring classes. He did what he could in the town where he lived to cherish all kinds of industry, by the erection of buildings, and by aiding its various enterprises. He was one of the first members of the Mechanics' Association of the city of Utica, and tried to give interest to its fairs and its system of lectures. His sympathy with the wants and interests of our mechanics and laborers gave him his strength with that class, as well as with the mass of the farmers of the State.

It was his deep feeling in behalf of labor that prompted him, in the face of the most violent denunciation, to take his stand against the waste and corruption of the administration. He pointed out where, in the end, the whole weight of taxation would rest. Years ago, he warned the people of this country that the policy of hate, of military despotism, and of political meddling would come home to our citizens, and that they would find the costs in the tax-gatherer's bill. He analyzed the cost of living to those who work for the support of themselves or their families. He showed that six hours of toil