tion Law means the beginning and not the end of the real fight. Christian citizens of every community will have to fight as never before to create that high moral sentiment which makes law enforcement possible. The educational forces of the community will have to redouble their energy to shape the mind and will of the coming generation. Prohibition cannot stand apart from world prohibition. Here is a colossal fight. The foe is strong, cunning, resourceful, determined. The working men of America and Europe are being misled by a false propaganda in the name of personal liberty, unmindful of the fact that it is written deep into the moral constitution of the world that men cannot order their own self-destruction. This same effort is being made to beguile and mislead the returning soldiers. But the open-eyed, discerning American, who saw the ravages in France of drinking and the social vice, will never consent to be so misled.

One of the most subtle and dangerous efforts of the liquor interests is the disguised proposition to nullify the national constitution by a new assertion of the rights of the State. Secretary Edwin C. Goddard, of the Law Department of the University of Michigan, in a recent address to the Rotary Club of Ann Arbor, states the whole situation clearly in the following words: "The beginning of a fight to nullify the constitution of the United States, a fight as dangerous as the nullification that led up to the Civil War is what the proposed 'light wine

and beer amendment' to the state constitution really is. Who can doubt if Michigan consents to lead this defiant procession that the opponents of the eighteenth amendment will by every means try to secure others to follow? If nullification can be made to succeed here, attacks in other quarters will be easier. 'No beer, no work' is another form this lawlessness is already taking, and not the only one. The disgraceful rout already resulting in shooting and the use of armored cars on the run on the highway from Toledo to Detroit should show with what sort of fire we are playing in the matter."

Fully eighty-five per cent. of the inmates of all insane asylums, reformatories, houses of refuge, and poor houses are there because of alcohol and venereal disease. It would be impossible to say how much disease outside of these places is directly due to the poisonous presence in the system of these two evils, but it is considerable. Mentally and morally retarded, defective and delinquent, children are in a very large degree the result of sin on the part of the parents. Thousands of children have ignorantly become the prey of vile habits because of the failure of parents and teachers to do their full duty. Very many pure women have unsuspectingly married men, loathsome with disease and, as a result, mother and child suffer the penalty. Pure love was cruelly murdered on the very threshold of the marriage altar. To fight, to the death, these two accursed foes of country, home,

and happiness calls for a moral courage of the very highest order.

The Fight for Commercial Coöperation and Industrial Justice.-The war for the supremacy of the principles of democracy revealed the existence of another even deeper and more bitter war for the social and industrial supremacy of the principles of democracy. This is clearly evidenced by the place which was given the labor problem in the peace treaty, by the rampant existence of Bolshevism in Russia and by the acute industrial conditions in every European country and even in America far more than we think. This war must be fought out and won just as the Allied armies won on the battlefield. It is peculiarly a warfare of economic, moral and religious education. This fight involves a fundamental change at the root of human nature. A selfish, individualistic life, holding a sordid theory of social conflict, cut-throat competition and survival through the might of capital or the force of shrewd bargaining, is poor soil in which to drop the seeds of social justice. The following words of Bishop Williams state the case in a clear-cut and startling manner. "Shall we not now progressively socialize our commerce and industry-not necessarily in the sense of the bureaucratic administration of Marxian Socialism --but in the spiritual sense of substituting the motive of public service for the motive of private profit, and coöperation for the common weal instead of the gratification of individual greed? The

masses of the people in every land will not long be satisfied with and fooled by that camouflage of democracy in political forms which has hitherto, particularly in America, co-existed contentedly, if not unconsciously, with a most ruthless autocracy in industry, finance, and commerce. They are go ing to seek, with increasing clarity of vision and imperativeness of demand, a real democracy which shall penetrate and possess all our life in its interrelation, particularly in industry and trade. They are going to ask that the laborer who invests his personality and very life in a business shall have some larger share in the proceeds and also a larger share in the management of that business along with the capitalist who invests his money therein. There is a rising surge of aspiration after such a real democracy. It is spreading around the world. How are we going to meet it in America? Are we going to attempt merely to militarize the mind of the coming generation into docile submission to the sacrosanct system of 'things as they are,' and to the inviolable authority of the 'powers that be'? Are we going further and attempt to suppress by force the rising tides of this democracy in industry? These are evidently the plans of our reactionaries and Tories. If they succeed in putting weights on the safety-valves of democracy, they need not wonder if explosions result. If Bolshevism ever sweeps over America, it will be due, not to the I. W. W. and the ignorant proletariat who fly the red flag,

but to the blind conservatives who resist the cosmic tide of the new democracy."

The fundamental propositions upon which a Christian commercial and industrial world can be built must be formulated in a clear-cut fashion and put into the hands of the young men and women of today. Then let strong, fearless Christian men in the commercial and the labor world come forth and stand uncompromisingly for these principles. They will have to fight a sinister and implacable foe; and it will cost, but it is worth while. There are men, as for instance, the owners of the Kensington Mills in Philadelphia who have recently declared their intention of taking this stand. If they have the hearty coöperation of their men, it will affect, for the good, over one hundred and fifty thousand workmen. Again these principles must be put into the public school and the Church school and taught to the coming generations until a new business and industrial conscience exists. This might be said to be the method of social evolution and we should face unflinchingly the fact that if it is not brought about speedily in this way, it will come in the form of revolution with liberated passion, fierce fighting, hatred and bloodshed. The whole field of commercial and industrial life must be included in such a campaign for righteousness, justice, and coöperation from the man who sells sugar over the counter in the crossroads grocery to the man who markets oil and flour in Asia, and from the woman who employs a servant in the home to the corporation