specified, "to cease collaboration with the racist regime of South Africa and to cooperate with the United Nations in the efforts to eradicate apartheid."

Resolution on Zionism

On November 10, 1975, the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted Resolution 3379 (XXX), declaring Zionism to be a "form of racism and racial discrimination." The resolution was adopted by a rollcall vote of 72 to 35 (U.S.), with 32 abstentions. The United States had vigorously opposed the resolution in Committee Three (Social, Humanitarian and Cultural) of the U.N. General Assembly and had stated its intention to vote against it. Ambassador Daniel P. Moynihan made a statement in plenary on November 10 in explanation of the U.S. negative vote in which he said:

The United States rises to declare before the General Assembly of the United Nations, and before the world, that it does not acknowledge, it will not abide by, it will never acquiesce in, this infamous act.

.. A great evil has been loosed upon the world. The abomination of anti-Semitism-as this year's Nobel peace laureate, Andrei Sakharov, observed in Moscow just a few days ago the abomination of anti-Semitism has been given the appearance of international sanction. The General Assembly today grants symbolic amnesty-and more-to the murderers of the 6 million European Jews. Evil enough in itself, but more ominous by far is the realization that now presses upon us-the realization that if there were no General Assembly, this could never have happened.

the President of the General Assembly, speaking on behalf of Luxembourg, warned not only of the trouble which would follow from the adoption of this resolution but of its essential irresponsibility-for, he noted, members have wholly different ideas as to what they are condemning. "It seems to me," he said, and to his lasting honor he said it when there was still time, "It seems to me that before a body like this takes a decision they should agree very clearly on what they are approving or condemning, and it takes more time."

Lest I be unclear, the United Nations has in fact on several occasions defined "racial discrimination." The definitions have been loose, but recognizable. It is "racism," incomparably the more serious charge-racial discrimination is a practice; racism is a doctrine-which has never been defined. Indeed, the term has only recently appeared in U.N. General Assembly documents.

The word "racism" is a creation of the English language, and relatively new to it. It is not, for instance, to be found in the

Oxford English Dictionary. The term derives from relatively new doctrines all of them discredited-concerning the human population of the world, to the effect that there are significant biological differences among clearly identifiable groups and that these differences establish, in effect, different levels of humanity. Racism, as defined by Webster's Third New International Dictionary, is "the assumption that . . traits and capacities are determined by biological race and that races differ decisively from one another." It further involves "a belief in the inherent superiority of a particular race and its right to domination over others."

This meaning is clear. It is equally clear that this assumption, this belief, has always been altogether alien to the political and religious movement known as Zionism. As a strictly political movement, Zionism was established only in 1897, although there is a clearly legitimate sense in which its origins are indeed ancient. For example, many branches of Christianity have always held that, from the standpoint of the biblical prophets, Israel would be reborn one day. But the modern Zionist movement arose in Europe in the context of a general upsurge of national consciousness and aspiration that overtook most other people of Central and Eastern Europe after 1848 and that in time spread to all of Africa and Asia.

It was, to those persons of the Jewish religion, a Jewish form of what today is called a national liberation movement. Probably a majority of those persons who bacem active Zionists and sought to emigrate to Palestine were born within the confines of Czarist Russia, and it was only natural for Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko to deplore, as he did in 1948, in the 299th meeting of the Security Council, the act by Israel's neighbors of "sending their troops into Palestine and carrying out military operations aimed"-in Mr. Gromyko's words-"at the suppression of the national libeartion movement in Palestine."

Now, it was the singular nature—if I am not mistaken, it was the unique nature of this national liberation movement that, in contrast with the movements that preceded it, those of that time, and those that have come since, it defined its members in terms not of birth, but of belief.

Zionists defined themselves merely as Jews and declared to be Jewish anyone born of a Jewish mother or-and this is the absolutely crucial fact-anyone who converted to Judaism. Which is to say, in the terms of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, adopted by the 20th General Assembly, anyone-regardless of "race, color, descent, or national or ethnic origin."

The State of Israel, which in time was the creation of the Zionist movement, has been extraordinary in nothing so much as the range of "racial stocks" from which it has drawn its citizenry. There are black Jews, brown Jews, white Jews, Jews

from the Orient, and Jews from the West. Most such persons could be said to have been "born" Jews, just as most Presbyterians and most Hindus are "born" to their faith; but there are many Jews who are converts. With a consistency in the matter which surely attests to the importance of this issue to that religious and political culture, Israeli courts have held that a Jew who converts to another religion is no longer a Jew.

In the meantime the population of Israel also includes large numbers of non-Jews, among them Arabs of both the Moslem and Christian religions and Christians of other national origins. Many of these persons are citizens of Israel, and those who are not can become citizens by legal procedures very much like those which obtain in a typical nation of Western Europe.

whatever else Zionism may be, it is not and cannot be "a form of racism." In logic, the State of Israel could be, or could become, many things-theoretically including many things undesirable-but it could not be and could not become racist unless it ceased to be Zionist.

The text of the General Assembly resolution follows:

ELIMINATION OF ALL FORMS OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION The General Assembly,

Recalling its Resolution 1904 (XVIII) of November 20, 1963, proclaiming the United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and in particular its affirmation that "any doctrine of racial differentiation or superiority is scientifically false, morally condemnable [and] socially unjust and dangerous" and its expression of alarm at "the manifestations of racial discrimination still in evidence in some areas in the world, some of which are imposed by certain governments by means of legislative, administrative or other measures,"

Recalling also that, in its Resolution 3151 G (XXVIII) of December 14, 1973, the General Assembly condemned, inter alia, the unholy alliance between South African racism and Zionism,

Taking note of the Declaration of Mexico on the Equality of Women and their Contribution to Development and Peace, 1975 proclaimed by the World Conference of the International Women's Year, held at Mexico City from June 19 to July 2, 1975, which promulgated the principle that "international cooperation and peace require the achievement of national liberation and independence, the elimination of colonialism and neocolonialism, foreign occupation, Zionism, apartheid, and racial discrimination in all its forms as well as the recognition of the dignity of peoples and their right to self-determination," Taking note also of Resolution 77 (XII) adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at its twelfth ordinary session, held in Kampala from July 28 to August 1, 1975, which considered "that the racist regime in occupied Palestine and racist regimes in Zimbabwe and South Africa have a common imperialist origin, forming a whole and having the same racist structure and being organically linked in their policy aimed at repression of the dignity and integrity of the human being,"

Taking note also of the Political Declaration and Strategy to Strengthen International Peace and Security and to Intensify Solidarity and Mutual Assistance among Non-Aligned Countries, adopted at the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Lima from August 25 to 30, 1975, which most severely condemned Zionism as a threat to world peace and security and called upon all countries to oppose this racist and imperialist ideology,

Determines that Zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination.

For statements made in Committee Three of the U.N. General Assembly by U.S. Representative Leonard Garment on Oct. 3 and 17, 1975, and the full text of Ambassador Moynihan's statement of Nov. 10, 1975, see Dept. of State Bulletin, Vol. LXXIII, No. 1901, Dec. 1, 1975, pp. 788-794. The report of Committee Three on elimination of all forms of racial discrimination is at U.N. Doc. A/10320, Nov. 3, 1975. Two other resolutions recommended by the committee report were adopted by the U.N. General Assembly on Nov. 10, 1975: a resolution on implementation of the program for the Decade of Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination (A/RES/3377 (XXX)), adopted by a recorded vote of 117 to 19 (U.S.), with 5 abstentions; and a resolution on the world conference to combat racial discrimination (A/RES/3378 (XXX)), adopted by a recorded vote of 116 to 18 (U.S.), with 7 abstentions.

On November 11, 1975, the United States Senate by voice vote adopted Senate Concurrent Resolution 73, condemning the United Nations for adopting the resolution equating Zionism with racism, opposing U.S. participation in the Decade to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination as long as Zionism is a target of the struggle, calling for reconsideration of the U.N. resolution, and urging that the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations and the House Committee on International Relations begin hearings immediately to reassess U.S. further participation in the U.N. General Assembly. On the same day the House of Representatives passed by a vote of 384 to 0 a similar resolution, House Resolution 855, which omitted the portion concerning a reassessment of U.S. participation.

Cong. Rec., Vol. 121, No. 167, Nov. 11, 1975, pp. S19594 and H10936 (daily ed.).

The White House released a statement on November 11, saying: "President Ford reaffirmed that the United States deplores the characterization of Zionism as a form of racism and believes that the adoption of this resolution undermines the principles on which the United Nations is based. But he will not consider withdrawal." The Washington Post, Nov. 12, 1975, p. 1.

Robert L. Funseth, Director of the Department of State's Office of Press Relations, announced at a news briefing on November 11, 1975, that the United States would not participate in any way in the observance of the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination, stating that the observance had become totally perverted from its original intent by the U.N. General Assembly's action of including Zionism as a form of racism.

Dept. of State News Briefing, DPC 187, Nov. 11, 1975.

Rights of Women

On January 9, 1975, President Gerald R. Ford signed Executive Order No. 11832 establishing the National Commission on the Observance of International Women's Year, 1975, and directing it

to take as its action agenda the relevant parts of the resolution adopted by the United Nations General Assembly proclaiming 1975 as International Women's Year (United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3010 (XXVII), adopted December 18, 1972). The order set forth the following threefold purpose of International Women's Year as proclaimed by the United Nations:

(1) To promote equality between men and women.

(2) To ensure the full integration of women in the total development effort, especially by emphasizing women's responsibility and important role in economic, social and cultural development at the national, regional and international levels, particularly during the Second United Nations Development Decade. (3) To recognize the importance of women's increasing contribution to the development of friendly relations and cooperation among states and to the strengthening of world peace.

The text of E.O. 11832 may be found at Fed. Reg., Vol. 40, No. 8, Jan. 13, 1975. E.O. 11889 of Nov. 25, 1975 (Fed. Reg., Vol. 40, No. 229, Nov. 26, 1975, p. 54765) extended the Commission through June 30, 1976.

At the nineteenth session of the Governing Council of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), held January 15February 3, 1975, the United States Delegation urged the UNDP to exercise a strong leadership role in measures to achieve full integration of women in development, including concerted inputs to the activities of International Women's Year. The United States strongly supported the Administrator's affirmation that the UNDP would accord equal opportunity to women to hold policy and decisionmaking posts at UNDP headquarters and in the field, and it urged scrutiny of UNDP projects in all sectors to determine the extent of their impact on women.

A draft decision incorporating the points in the U.S. position on the integration of women in development was approved by the Governing Council of UNDP. The decision endorsed the actions so far undertaken by the UNDP Administrator in the field, emphasizing "the importance of the integration of women as equal partners with men." The following are the operative paragraphs:

(a) Requests that the integration of women in development should be a continuing consideration in the formulation, design and implementation of UNDP projects and programs;

(b) Invites governments to take the appropriate decisions in order to ensure the participation of women in the planning process, in decisionmaking, and in the implementation of development projects;

(c) Requests the UNDP Administrator to instruct resident representatives to communicate the present decision of the Governing Council to he governments of the respective host countries as well as to executing agencies, requesting them to support the objectives of International Women's Year by duly taking into account the Governing Council's decision,

(d) Further requests the UNDP Administrator to assist governments to achieve the above mentioned objective,

(e) Stresses the importance of women's participation in planning and