T

RULY their lives have not fallen in

pleasant places who bear the re

sponsibility of so shaping the policy of our political parties as to get or keep control of the offices. There is a strong effort to cause the bogie of the trust to hold for the next year or two the place in the public mind which the bogie of free silver has recently occupied. The opposing party leaders are sparring for an opening," each hoping to place the other in a position for a knock-out blow.

Now, this trust question is a sword that cuts several ways. In the first place, Presidential campaigns cost a great deal of money, and if party funds are not supplied from the coffers of concentrated capital, they will not be forthcoming from any source; for the majority of those who will be relied upon to contribute are either in trusts or endeavoring to get in. This question of finance is necessarily the thing uppermost in the minds of party managers. The people may cheer to the echo lurid denunciations of trusts by the spellbinders, but the spellbinders themselves want coin. Not only that; they demand brass-bands, and uniformed clubs, and torchlight processions, and leading articles in the press, and all the accessories of spellbinding. All these cost money, and lots of it, and while the people will shout lustily enough they will not pay. The money must come from those who do not shout, and who indeed, for the most part, do not go near the shouting, but stay comfortably at home while it goes on. But if these men furnish the money wherewith to do politics, they do so upon the perfectly understood condition that things are to go their way when necessary. Any proposal, therefore, which contemplates real control, in the public interest, of associated capital at once shuts off the sources of supply, and must be avoided at all hazards by those who view politics from the standpoint of the politician. Without money there can be no campaign that the politicians would care for, and it is useless to ask men to contribute to get that done which they do not wish done. Lurid "resolutions," while disagreeable, do no special

harm, and are perhaps necessary; but those who propose measures of real control must pay their own campaign expenses. The problem which political managers must therefore of necessity be considering is how to shape a policy which will satisfy the people, and yet not stop the moneysupply. It is not an easy problem, and is none the less present and pressing because not considered by the masses, who seldom give a thought to where the money comes from to pay for their political shows.

To the politicians, however, it is painfully plain. But there is another aspect of the subject which thus far seems to have escaped the attention of those very astute gentlemen. In California, for example, there is a society known as the "California Raisin Association." Its headquarters are at Fresno, and last year it had 2,064 members-all honest farmers. It is useless to quote from its official documents, for they are skillfully drawn, and no more disclose the real purposes of the society than do those of the Standard Oil Company. This, however, is what the association does: Each member has signed a contract conveying to the association, in consideration of one dollar and certain services to be performed, an undivided one-twentieth interest in his crop of raisins for the years 1899 and 1900, with full control, as managing partner, of the entire crop as soon as harvested. In this manner the association controls more than ninety per cent. of the crop of our principal raisin district, and seeks to, and doubtless will, control most of the crop in the outlying districts. There has been no "illegal combination," no "contract in restraint of trade." The association has simply purchased an interest, with power of control, in the raisin crop of the State. So far as the law can assume, it may intend to give the entire crop to the poor. At any rate, it can do what it will with its own, just as the Standard Oil Company can. As a matter of fact, of course, the association does not intend to donate its raisins to any one. On the contrary, everybody knows its intention to be to sell them at the very highest rates possible, and that the association was formed

for the sole purpose of getting prices not otherwise attainable, which is exactly the purpose of the Standard Oil Company. The method by which prices are fixed is very simple. In the first place, the aid of the United States Government is invoked to obtain, through United States Consuls, the most accurate information possible of the condition of the Spanish raisin crop. This information is supplemented from other reliable sources, and then estimate is made, considering the European demand, of the price at which Spanish raisins can probably be laid down in this country, after paying a duty of two and a half cents a pound. This fixes the price above which California raisins cannot go. After thus estimating the probable effect of foreign competition, these honest farmers will carefully consider the size of their own crop. If it should be excessive, they may fear that it will not all go into consumption at a price only just low enough to exclude foreign goods, in which case they will reduce it to a figure at which the whole crop can probably be moved, provided only that a fair margin of profit is still left. Below a fair price they will not go, and if the entire crop cannot be sold at such a price they will sell what they can, and make the rest into brandy or pork. Raisins make excellent pork. This, of course, is a substantial and effective trust, controlling the product of at least six millions of dollars invested in vineyards.

Now, at this writing it is stated, with some appearance of authority, that the Democratic party slogan for the next campaign is to be, "Smash the Trusts." This is an expressive motto, suggestive of a certain vigor in execution well calculated to fire the popular heart. Of course, it does not mean anything whatever. It foreshadows no definite legislation of any kind, and pledges the party to nothing on earth. The millionaires understand this perfectly, and while they may be annoyed at the necessity of using such language, are not likely to withhold their contributions. But these simple-minded farmers of the San Joaquin Valley may not understand it, and it can hardly be proclaimed to these 2,064 monopolists that nothing in particular is meant by the language or intended by its authors, except to get votes. They are too many to intrust with such a secret. And

the worst of it is that this hotbed of Monopoly is a Democratic and Populist stronghold. The majority of these excellent raisin-farmers are unquestionably either Democrats or Populists, but they set great store by their raisin trust, and distinctly do not wish to be smashed. If the party of their love announces its intention to smash them, while the other party does not, it is a settled fact that neither love of Mr. Bryan nor reverence for Populist tradition, will prevent their voting solidly Republican in 1900, provided that party will let them alone. I have used the declaration of the Democratic leaders as an illustration solely because we have less knowledge of the intent of the Republican leaders. They are as sorely perplexed as the other fellows, but, with the exception of the picturesque Pingree, have thus far had sense enough to keep their mouths shut. The San Joaquin raisin association is but one instance. There are over six hundred walnut-growers in this State who have a trust equally effective. There are over two thousand five hundred orangegrowers who are doing their best to form a trust, and several thousand prune-growers who are taking the first steps.

I am able to give these details about California because I live here. But California is not the only State in which farmers are combining in trusts. In Central New York and Northern Ohio the grape-growers are doing precisely the same thing. The dairymen in Eastern New York maintain a very effective milk trust. These are rather formidable bodies, and in so close and so large a State as New York it would be very dangerous for any political party to antagonize them. The monopolistic spirit is spreading, and there are doubtless many farmers' trusts of which I have never heard. There can be no law devised which will "smash" the Standard Oil Company which will not also smash these honest and down-trodden toilers. And the misery of it is that they know it.

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The fact is that co-operation, whether of capitalists or non-capitalists, cannot and ought not to be "smashed." It is a natural development of society, to be cherished and regulated. Improvements in the machinery of business are as important to society as improvements in the machinery of production. Incidentally, they all

carry with them distress to individuals. The discharge of a great army of salesmen which business consolidation has made possible brings trouble to many worthy families; but the introduction of the power-loom brought greater distress to more families. Department stores ruin many small tradesmen, and tall buildings destroy what had been unearned increment on other streets; but they all represent distinct economic gains which can no more be prevented, nor ought to be, than the use of machines in production. It is the same with concentration of capital. What concerns us is the proper distribution of the gains. Individuals will seize all of them if permitted, and in order to do so, and to increase them beyond reason, will endeavor to secretly influence political action, and to corrupt public servants. That is the great harm they can do, and the prevention of that is the real trust problem. It is not, however, the matter to which politicians will direct our attention. What, if anything, they really intend to do, is to pass unconstitutional laws to be set aside by the courts.

It is doubtful whether we can solve the trust problem in America, except by constitutional amendment, possibly involving reconstruction of many of our notions of the sacredness of property. The farmers' trusts are beneficial societies, not dangerous to any one. They have votes and therefore do not need to buy them. They are arising in the normal way, as the only possible relief from unbearable competition, which is the mother of co-operation. The discussion of trusts seems to be proceeding on the assumption that they are stronger than the people. This assumption is wholly wrong. The more capital is concentrated the weaker it becomes, because it reduces the number of votes. is votes that count, not money, except as money is used to buy votes. To prevent this must be the first exercise of the power of society. Just what legislation may be required to prevent the abuses of concentrated capital, and to seize, for society, its due share of the benefits of concentration, we do not yet quite know. In Europe control is proceeding upon the lines of the use of the power of taxation. It will probably be the same here, and with us may involve constitutional amendments.

It

The first step toward intelligent control is perfect knowledge of facts. At present we do not know what the trusts are doing, and therefore cannot tell what society should do. The Industrial Commission now investigating at Washington will discover what some trusts have done in times past, but it will get no inkling of what any may be doing next week. We need to know what all trusts are doing all the time. There is obviously but one way to do this, and that is to authoritatively participate in their administrations. This is the first step toward the solution of the trust problem, and it, and it alone, will render the next steps possible. I therefore respectfully recommend the following as the trust plank in the platforms of the Republican, Democratic, and Populist parties:

Resolved (I), That the grand old

party, ever true to the traditions which have

come down from our forefathers, heartily favors, and will aid by legislation, and constitutional amendment, if necessary, the concentration of capital and labor for protective and commercial purposes. We favor the co-operation of all persons of like interests, whether capitalists, farmers, or workingmen.

(II) To the end that society, rather than indipossible by the power of society, we favor the viduals, may secure the economic gains made declaration by law that the administration of all industrial enterprises of great magnitude are public functions in which society is entitled to be represented in such a manner as to assure to itself complete and accurate knowledge of all their transactions, to which end one Director and the principal Auditor of all such corporations shall be public officers, appointed under civil service rules, by the President of the United States, to whom annual reports must be made of all financial transactions. Contributions of business corporations to political parties, or for political purposes, should be forbidden, and also all disbursements of money, except upon such vouchers that the purpose of all expenditures can be traced.

(III) As a further assurance that the funds of rich men and corporations shall not be employed to debauch public servants or secretly influence political action, we favor the enactment of laws which shall compel all political organizations, or candidates, to make weekly publication of the names of all contributors to party or campaign funds, with the amounts so contributed, and the disbursement of such funds in detail.

The above plank would be entirely satisfactory to all farmers' trusts, for they have no secrets. It would be a better votecatcher than the most thundering denunciations. But it would cut off the money supply, and hence has not the slightest chance of adoption if the politicians can prevent it.

TH

HE leading citizens of Grubstake were assembled to decide an important problem relating to the welfare of their city. The question was, Would a cemetery be an advantage or a disa disadvantage to a growing town? Opinions Opinions were divided; some were in favor of having a cemetery, others advocated the burial of the dead in the one already established in the neighboring village of Starvation.

"Just like Grantly to die, and get us into this scrape," grumbled one of the men. "What business had a little puny thing like him to come to the Klondike, anyhow? Might have known he couldn't stand it."

"Was that what you said when he sent that patent beef-tea to your boy, an' him needin' it more himself, bein' sicker than the boy ever was?" The first speaker subsided under the contemptuous tone of his critic. "I tell you," continued Lucky Tom Short, who presided over the meeting by right of possessing the most dust, "I tell you that little chap was the cheerfullest man in Grubstake, an' done the most to help others, an' him the poorest feller here, hevin' made no strike, nor filed no claim. An' now that he's needin' a grave, I'd give it to him, an' give it prompt, an' without grudgin'."

"I would second that motion," said another, "but, as Justice of the Peace of Grubstake, I feel obliged to place her prosperity above all other considerations, and there's Starvation City watching to get ahead of us, if it's a possible thing. And I put it to you, gentlemen,-suppose a new settler came along, and hesitated between Grubstake and Starvation City. Suppose he looked around while he was trying to decide, and noticed the buryingground at Starvation and how many there were in it, and then came over to Grubstake, where he would find no graveyard, and would be informed we never needed one. Now, gentlemen, imagine yourselves in his place. How would you choose? Undoubtedly you would say "The town that's too healthy to need a ceme

tery is the town for me,' and thus Grubstake would score one more victory over Starvation."

As the justice took his seat, a buzz of approval ran around the circle. After it had ceased, a tall man rose slowly to his feet. Judge," said he, "I thank you for your eloquence. Grubstake may well be proud of an official who has her interests so near at heart. Allow me to say, however, that there are two sides to every question, and I beg the attention of this meeting while I present another view for consideration. As you all know, Starvation City has always been jealous of Grubstake. Even the name of our town has been a thorn in her flesh. Starvation, you remember, got her name from a party of prospectors whose provisions ran short, and who were found on the site of the future city, nearly dead from hunger. When the little settlement was made it was called Starvation, and the name clung to the town, though it tried in vain to change it for a more attractive one. Then, a few miles away, our village came into existence and was named Grubstake. Starvation has disliked us from the beginning, and feels she is the elder, and therefore should be larger and more prosperous. Now, my friends, my point is this: Starvation will do anything to increase her census, and if we take her the deceased members of this community, she will count them twice, once in the number contained in her cemetery, and again in the estimate of her population. I think you will agree with me that Grubstake should keep her inhabitants, dead or alive."

This time the applause was long and loud. When quiet was restored, Lucky Tom spoke.

"You hev heard the speeches of our distinguished friends, an' now I reckon you kin vote on the question, an' vote intelligent, hevin' hed the benefit of their remarks. Shell we hev our own buryin'ground, neat an' law-abidin', an' thereby prevent Starvation City from crowin' over us, by bein' more numerous, more civilized, more enlightened, an'-an' more

stylish? All in favor will signify their approval by sayin' 'Aye!""

A thundering chorus of ' Ayes' was the

answer.

"Contrary-minded, "No!"" remarked Lucky Tom, a pleased expression on his weather-beaten face. "The Ayes hev it. This here meetin' is now adjourned fer the purpose of pickin' out the spot fer the new cemetery of the city of Grubstake."

After some discussion, they decided on a piece of ground north of the town.

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Now, boys," said Lucky Tom, "we'll hev a big circle in the middle, fer the folks to drive 'round, an' in that circle will be the grave of the inaugurator of this here. cemetery. Light the fires to thaw the ground so we kin dig, an' while it's meltin' we'll lay out the boundaries, an' choose our graves. I don't intend to be buried in this country if I kin help it; but there's no knowin' what will happen, an' to be ready for emergencies, an' set an example, I'll buy a plot.'

The lines were roughly surveyed and marked out, and many of the men promised to invest in lots. Then they began to dig the grave, taking turns in the work.

There! How's that? Shall we call it ready?" asked the man who had been shoveling.

"Take out a little more at that end," advised one of the bystanders.

As the worker, in obedience to this suggestion, lifted another shovelful and threw it out on the mound of earth, a shout went up from the men as they saw it scatter and fall.

highest bidder. To start the ball a-rollin', I offer $50,000."

Another shout from the men, but with a different ring to it, expressing approbation for the generosity and business ability of the speaker.

"Judge, talk for the crowd," requested

several.

The Justice of the Peace cleared his throat, and began: "I am invited to convey to Mr. Short the sentiments of our friends. I am sure that I express the opinion of each one of them when I state that we are overcome with admiration for his liberality. No doubt there are many here who would gladly give as much, but I may say without offense, for the greater wealth of Mr. Short is well known, that not one of us is able to raise his bid. I would suggest that a committee be appointed to draw up resolutions to send to the widow, and also an account of this day's proceedings, so that she may know the history of the fortune she will receive by the same mail that informs her of the death of her husband. Do my friends agree to this course of action? "`

"That's right, Judge; that's the way to do it."

"Well," said the man who had blamed Grantly for dying, "you have made him rich, him that was insignificant enough when he was alive, but you have taken his grave away from him, and that 's about all he wants now, it seems to me."

"True!" exclaimed the Judge, “we must select another site for the cemetery. On second thought, I perceive that this location is rather too near the city. Grubstake must have room to grow, and I propose to establish the cemetery at a greater distance, and build a boulevard out to it. It will be a long time before those old fogies at Starvation think of a boulevard.”

The next day they planned the cemetery over again, and dug a second grave, in which Grantly was buried.

Lucky Tom did not lose on his claim, which turned out to be one of the richest in the Klondike.

The Grubstake of to-day is much larger than Starvation City, and regards with pride the Grantly Cemetery and the Wallingford Boulevard leading to it.