In reply to my queries, will the archbishops, bishops, and Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland affirm that really they are not invested with power or influence enough to produce that moral change which MajorGeneral Sir Duncan M'Grigor and Colonel Brown-as it were by word of command-effect upon every Irishman that enlists either into the constabulary or into the Dublin police?

In the face of the staring fact that Father Matthew --single-handed--prevailed upon millions of illiterate Protestant as well as Catholic Irishmen to drink cold water instead of warm whisky, will the archbishops, bishops, and Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland declare that the Church of Rome has gifted them with so little power, and such feeble influence over their flocks, that it would be utterly hopeless to advise them to break the wicked band of Ribbonism, which, as is well known, is composed solely of Irish Roman Catholics?

The only calm and reasonable solution that can be offered of the phenomenon of an intelligent people living in the state of moral degradation I have so often described and bewailed, is either that their priests, whose influence over them is undeniable, are not gifted by the Pope with sufficient power, or that these Irish priests have had worldly objects in view, which, to say the least, have distracted their attention from the temporal welfare of their flocks; and on the horns of this dilemma I leave Archbishop M⭑Hale.

Having, I submit, negatively replied to the first query, I will now by the production of positive evidence proceed to elucidate

2. WHAT HAS BEEN THE OPEN AGGRESSIVE CONDUCT OF THE IRISH PRIESTHOOD ?

If it depended on assertions of my own to convict so powerful and intellectual a body as the Irish priesthood, supported as they have been, are, and will be, by the Roman Catholic Church of Rome, I might naturally tremble at the difficulty of the task. I have, however, merely to produce two very unequal descriptions of evidence, namely,

1st. That which has been officially published and countersigned by the priesthood themselves.

2ndly. That which I collected myself.

TACTICS OF THE IRISH PRIESTHOOD.

·

IN justice to the priesthood of Ireland, as well as to myself, I have now to request that the reader will dispassionately listen to their own case as explained in their own speeches-in their own writings-and lastly, in their own press. As, however, it is absolutely necessary, before I throw before the reader this mass of evidence, that he should understand to what point or points it precisely refers, I will briefly afford this preliminary explanation, not in my own words, but in those of a few very brief extracts from the documents about to be perused.

1. At a monster meeting preparatory to the Meath election, the chairman, the very Rev. Dr. M'Evoy, P.P., thus clearly announced, on behalf of the priesthood, their views, objects, and intentions.

Oh, if the oldest, the greatest, the most incorruptible and sacred power in this island-I mean the influence of the Priesthood with the people-if that power be but properly exerted at the coming elections, to what glorious results may we not confidently look forward! (Hear, hear!) Yes; if the priests but LEAD the people, the people will coquer. (Great cheering.)”—(p. 37.)

In advocating a proposed attack on the existing rights of Irish landlords, the reverend gentleman explained the opinions of the Priesthood as follows:

"But what is tenant-right? What means that term that grates so harshly upon landlords' ears. I will tell you in a few and simple words. Tenant-right means fair and equitable rents fixed by impartial arbitration, dealing impartial justice to landlord and tenant, and enabling both to live. . . . . Tenant-right is the only lever to lift our prostrate country -the only balsam to heal her bleeding wounds."-(p. 34.)

The reverend gentleman proceeded further to announce the political tactics of the Priesthood as follows:

"Gentlemen, to one, and one only, other subject shall I, in conclusion, briefly allude. If this country is to be saved, if she is ever again to become prosperous and free, an Irish party must be formed. [Hear!] Unless that be done at the coming elections, all our labour will be lost, and the regeneration of Ireland rendered hopeless. From the victories which twenty Irish members last year won, it is easy to see what an Irish party, animated with the like spirit, could achieve, if composed of fifty or sixty sterling men. [Loud cries of Hear, hear!] Why! in the balanced state of parties, they could dictate to any Minister what terms they pleased-they could make and unmake governments at will. [Hear, hear!] It is clear that the Irish people, by the return of such a party, have it in their at the coming elections to secure their every right. Let them but send to Parliament fifty, or even forty, members pledged to oppose any and every Government that will not make tenant-right and the abolition of the Church Establishment Cabinet questions, and, as sure as to-morrow's sun will rise, so sure will the charter of tenant-right be conceded, and the monstrosity of the Protestant Establishment disappear from the face of an outraged world. [Loud cheers.]”—(pp. 36, 37.)

power

2. At the conclusion of his speech the reverend gentleman introduced to the meeting the successful candidate, Mr. Lucas, " as the tried and trusted advocate

of every principle dear to the hearts of the ENTIRE PRELACY and PRIESTHOOD of the land."

Mr. Lucas, in that high capacity, expressed himself in a speech of great ability, of which the following are extracts:

"I have come to ask you to do me the high honour of giving me your votes, and returning me, as your representative, to a very nasty house. [Laughter and cheers.] By the blessing of God in heaven, I will never rest or cease my exertions, as long as I am in a position to exercise any public functions whatever, until that accursed monopoly, the Established Church, be cut down by the root, and cease to blast the land with its unwholesome influence.

I pledge myself here to oppose every Government that will not make something that is equal to Sharman Crawford's bill, in every one of its protecting provisions, a Cabinet question. [Hear, hear! and loud cheers.]. . . . I will have nothing to do with any Government, if you return me to Parliament-except, indeed, to oppose them, which I shall do very cordially-until they make the concession of justice to the tenant-farmers of Ireland part of their acknowledged policy. [Loud cheers.] I hope I have satisfied my reverend friend by the spirit of my answer? [Hear, hear!]-(pp. 38, 39.)

"The CHAIRMAN, the Very Rev. Doctor M'Evoy: PERFECTLY SO. [Cheers.]"

The abolition of the Protestant Established Church, and the adjustment by arbitration of the property of all Protestant and Catholic landlords, having been thus publicly declared by a priest to be the avowed object of the Priesthood of Ireland, the modus operandi, in which they proposed that "the influence of the priest"hood with the people should be properly exerted at "the coming elections," shall now be explained by themselves.