Post-Communist Mafia State: The Case of HungaryCentral European University Press, 10 feb. 2016 - 336 pagini In an article in 2001 the author analyzed the way Fidesz, the party on government for the first time then, was eliminating the institutional system of the rule of law. At that time, many readers doubted the legitimacy of the new approach, whose key categories were the 'organized over-world', the 'state employing mafia methods' and the 'adopted political family'. Critics considered these categories metaphors rather than elements of a coherent conceptual framework. Ten years later Fidesz won a two-third majority in Parliament at the 2010 elections: the institutional obstacles of exerting power were thus largely removed. Just like the party, the state itself was placed under the control of a single individual, who since then has applied the techniques used within his party to enforce submission and obedience onto society as a whole. While in many post-communist systems a segment of the party and secret service became the elite in possession of not only political power but also of wealth, Fidesz, as a late-coming new political predator, was able to occupy this position through an aggressive change of elite. The actions of the post-communist mafia state model are led by the logic of power and wealth concentration in the hands of the clan. But while the classical mafia channeled wealth and economic players into its spheres of interest by means of direct coercion, the mafia state does the same by means of parliamentary legislation, legal prosecution, tax authority, police forces and secret service. The new conceptual framework is important and timely not only for Hungary, but also for other post-communist countries subjected to autocratic rules. |
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Pagina xvi
... party controlling all public institutions in a non-transparent manner and digging itself in for the long haul. The rotation of political power is no longer secure. The left is in complete disarray, leaving far-right Jobbik as the most ...
... party controlling all public institutions in a non-transparent manner and digging itself in for the long haul. The rotation of political power is no longer secure. The left is in complete disarray, leaving far-right Jobbik as the most ...
Pagina xvii
... party that vehemently denies the validity of all criticism and demonizes its critics. What happened? Those curious about the Hungarian democratic implosion have an excellent guide in Bálint Magyar. With the theoretical sophistication of ...
... party that vehemently denies the validity of all criticism and demonizes its critics. What happened? Those curious about the Hungarian democratic implosion have an excellent guide in Bálint Magyar. With the theoretical sophistication of ...
Pagina xix
... party partners-in-corruption out of their various secret joint deals. Orbán, in Magyar's telling of the story, was then able to monopolize the benefits of corruption for himself and his party, using state power to choose his own ...
... party partners-in-corruption out of their various secret joint deals. Orbán, in Magyar's telling of the story, was then able to monopolize the benefits of corruption for himself and his party, using state power to choose his own ...
Pagina xx
... party could—and did—change the constitution at will. Twelve amendments of the inherited constitution preceded the rapid enactment of the new Fidesz constitution in 2011. After the constitution came into force in January 2012, it was ...
... party could—and did—change the constitution at will. Twelve amendments of the inherited constitution preceded the rapid enactment of the new Fidesz constitution in 2011. After the constitution came into force in January 2012, it was ...
Pagina xxii
... party could win another election. The Orbán government's rewriting of the election laws strategically disadvantaged the opposition at every turn while giving the benefit of every new rule to Fidesz. In the end, Fidesz was able to win ...
... party could win another election. The Orbán government's rewriting of the election laws strategically disadvantaged the opposition at every turn while giving the benefit of every new rule to Fidesz. In the end, Fidesz was able to win ...
Cuprins
1 | |
2 The disintegration of the Third Hungarian Republic in 2010 | 15 |
from the functional disorders of democracy to a critique of the system | 57 |
4 Definition of the postcommunist mafia state | 67 |
a subtype of autocratic regimes | 73 |
6 The legitimacy deficit faced by the mafia state and the means to overcome it | 209 |
the ideological arsenal | 231 |
8 The Criminal State | 255 |
9 Pyramid schemesthe limits of the mafia state | 269 |
Annexes | 297 |
List of accompanying studies | 304 |
Former publications | 306 |
Index of Names | 309 |
Back cover | 313 |
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Termeni și expresii frecvente
according actions activity administration adopted political family allowed authority autocratic bank become billion budget called carried central communist constitutional corruption course Court criminal critical culture deal decisions democracy democratic directed economic elections elite ensured established euro European fact Felcsút Fidesz force forint freedom function funds groups hand head Hungarian Hungary ideological individual institutions interests legitimate levels liberal longer mafia Magyar majority matter means measures ment minister municipal nature offer Office oligarchs operation Orbán organized owners parliament party position possible post-communist president regime result role rule serve situation social socialist society stooges taken tion Union various wealth