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I would not say that this is an unprecedented recommendation. Unprecedented? This is almost the 90th vote. It is between the 88th and 90th time that this question has come up and has been dealt with in this way. Is that unprecedented? How many precedents do we need to have something unprecedented? No, this is the way in which this question has been dealt with every time it has arisen in any organ of the United Nations and has permitted each organ which has disposed of it to get on with its business, to do its work, and not be obstructed with this sort of impediment. Therefore, I urge you to end this matter now for this sitting in Paris and vote to uphold the wise and sound recommendation of the General Committee.


The General Assembly

1. Approves the first report of the Credentials Committee;2

2. Decides to postpone for the duration of its seventh session. consideration of all proposals to exclude the representatives of the Government of the Republic of China and to seat representatives of the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China.

AUGUST 5, 1953 (Excerpt) 3

SEC. 111. It is the sense of the Congress that the Communist Chinese Government should not be admitted to membership in the United Nations as the representative of China.

SEPTEMBER 15, 1953*

I move that the General Assembly postpone for the duration of the eighth session for the current year the consideration of any proposals to unseat the representatives of the National Government of the

1 General Assembly, Official Records, Seventh Session, Supplement No. 20 (A/2361), p. 1. See also U. S. Participation in the U. N.: Report by the President to the Congress for the Year 1952 (Department of State publication 5034; 1953), p. 94.

2 General Assembly, Official Records, Seventh Session, Annexes, agenda item 3 (A/2234).

3 67 Stat. 372; see also report of July 10, 1953, by the House Committee on Foreign Affairs in Review of the United Nations Charter: A Collection of Documents (S. Doc. No. 87, 83d Cong., 2d sess.), pp. 179–182.

Department of State Bulletin, Sept. 28, 1953, pp. 412-413. Secretary Dulles' motion was adopted the same day (Res. 800 (VIII); General Assembly, Official Records, Eighth Session, Supplement No. 17 (A/2630), p. 53).

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Republic of China or to send representatives of the so-called Central Peoples' Government to represent the Republic of China.

I make this procedural motion of postponement so that we can go. ahead with the regular work of this Assembly in our present session. We know that 3 years ago the Chinese Communists intervened with their armed forces as aggressors, as participants in the Communist scheme to overpower and seize the Republic of Korea. That fact of aggression has been found by the United Nations. After unnecessary and heartbreaking delays in negotiations to halt the fighting, an armistice was finally concluded about 6 weeks ago and that armistice was welcomed throughout the world, nowhere more than in the United States. But the armistice has not solved all the problems that were created by the Communist aggression in Korea. Armed forces of Communist China still remain in Korea. The aggression is yet to be terminated and the peace secured. The Chinese Communists have not shown in this matter convincing evidence of a genuine intention to end the aggression and to make peace, and, moreover, their continued actions elsewhere in Asia are far from reassuring.

Therefore, I submit that, as things stand now, we should not even consider any proposals for the representation of the Chinese Communist aggressors in this Assembly, and following the practice of earlier sessions I urge prompt adoption of the motion to postpone consideration.

Let me add the fact that that motion I propose deals with the current year and should not be interpreted as indicating any expectation on the part of the United States to change its position after the current year. It is merely that we believe that it is appropriate that a body of this character should deal with one year at a time.


The United Nations is a place to develop the truth, however awful it may be, about the Chinese Communists. We have consistently stressed that the Chinese Communist regime is unfit for representation in the United Nations

-because it has repeatedly expressed open contempt for the purposes and principles of the United Nations, and the judgments of the international community;

-because it stands convicted by the United Nations as an aggressor

1 See General Assembly Res. 498 (V), Feb. 1, 1951; infra, pp. 2608–2609.

2 Armistice agreement of July 27, 1953; infra, pp. 724-750.

3 Department of State Bulletin, May 10, 1954, p. 724. This address by Mr. Lodge was delivered at the annual luncheon of the members of the Associated Press, New York City.

in Korea where it killed and wounded many thousands of American and other soldiers who were defending peace;

-because it continues to support aggression in Indochina, by giving substantial aid and by furnishing advisers and technicians to the Viet Minh forces;

-because it occupied defenseless Tibet and seized control of its government and resources;

-because it sponsors guerrilla and subversive movements in Malaya, and throughout the rest of Southeast Asia;

-because it committed dreadful atrocities against Americans and others fighting for the United Nations in Korea, and subjected prisoners to physical and mental cruelty in seeking to extort military secrets and confessions of alleged guilt;

-because it still holds 32 American civilians under barbarous conditions without published charges, and subjects these innocent missionaries, journalists, and business men to cruel and inhuman treatment;

-because it wilfully fabricated and publicized false evidence of spurious germ warfare charges designed to blacken the reputation of the United States, and otherwise carries on a deliberate "hateAmerica" propaganda campaign;

--because it has executed millions of its captive subjects and forced other millions into slave labor;

-and because it even stoops to an international extortion racket in squeezing millions of dollars from overseas Chinese who try to buy safety and protection for their relatives at home.

The exposure of the terrible ways in which the Chinese Communists violate the normally accepted standards of international conduct has so horrified many decent people that this regime has never even gotten a toehold on the threshold of the United Nations. Since 1949, United Nations bodies have refused over 150 times to seat the Chinese Communists. I can promise you that the United States will steadfastly resist all maneuvers by the Chinese Communist regime and its advocates to bribe its way into the United Nations on mere promises of good behavior in the future. To admit to the United Nations this regime which believes in war as an instrument of national policy would be the first time in its history that the United Nations had deliberately decided to stultify itself by flagrantly acting in contradiction of its primary and basic purpose to "save succeeding generations from the scourge of war."

[For the text of Secretary Dulles' remarks of July 8, 1954, regarding the question of Chinese representation in the United Nations, see the Department of State Bulletin, July 19, 1954, pp. 87-89.]


Now, Madam President, for reasons which are well known, the United States will not engage in a discussion of the substance of this question that has been raised by the representative of the Soviet Union. Indeed, we will make a motion as follows: I move that the Assembly decide not to consider at its Ninth Session during the current year any proposals to exclude the representatives of the Government of the Republic of China or to seat representatives of the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China.

Logically, this motion takes precedence over the Soviet proposal,3 and therefore I ask that rule 93 of the Rules of Procedure be invoked. This rule reads as follows: "If two or more proposals relate to the same question, the General Assembly shall, unless it decides otherwise, vote on the proposals in the order in which they have been submitted. The General Assembly may after each vote on a proposal decide whether to vote on the next proposal." That is the end of rule 93.

That rule, you will observe, gives the Assembly the power to decide. questions of precedence, and I accordingly ask the Assembly to decide to vote first on my motion. Put that first, and then I will ask to vote on the motion itself.

I therefore ask the chair to put the following proposal to the Assembly, that the Assembly decides to consider first the motion just. offered by the representative of the United States. Then after that motion has been voted on, it would then be in order to vote on the substantial proposal which I have made."

1 Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.

2 Department of State Bulletin, Oct. 4, 1954, p. 507. Similar action was taken at the tenth session of the General Assembly; see Ambassador Lodge's statement of Sept. 20, 1955 (ibid., Oct. 3, 1955, pp. 544-545) and Res. 990 (X) (General Assembly, Official Records, Tenth Session, Supplement No. 19 (A/3116), p. 49).

3 The Soviet draft resolution (U. N. doc. A/L. 176) proposed that representatives of the People's Republic of China take the seat of China in the General Assembly and in other organs of the United Nations. [Footnote in Department of State Bulletin.]

The Assembly decided to consider the U.S. motion first, by a vote of 45-7 (Burma, Byelorussia, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Sweden, Ukraine, U. S. S. R.), with 5 abstentions. The U.S. draft resolution (U. N. doc. A/L. 177) was then approved by a vote of 43-11 (Burma, Byelorussia, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, India, Norway, Poland, Sweden, Ukraine, U. S. S. R., Yugoslavia), with 6 abstentions. [Footnote in Department of State Bulletin.] The resoluton as adopted was designated Res. 903 (IX); General Assembly, Official Records, Ninth Session, Supplement No. 21 (A/2890), p. 55.

Anniversaries of the United Nations


Five years ago today, the Charter of the United Nations came into force. By virtue of that event, October 24, 1945, became a great day in the history of the world.

Long before that day, the idea of an association of nations able to keep the peace had lived as a dream in the hearts and minds of men. Woodrow Wilson was the author of that idea in our time. The organization that was brought into being on October 24, 1945, represents our greatest advance toward making the dream a reality.

The United Nations was born out of the agony of war-the most terrible war in history. Those who drew up the Charter really had less to do with the creation of the United Nations than the millions who fought and died in that war. We who work to carry out its great principles should always remember that this organization owes its existence to the blood and sacrifice of millions of men and women. It is built out of their hopes for peace and justice.

The United Nations represents the idea of a universal morality, superior to the interests of individual nations. Its foundations do not rest upon power or privilege but upon faith. They rest upon the faith of men in human values-upon the belief that men in every land hold the same high ideals and strive toward the same goals of peace and justice.

This faith is deeply held by the people of the United States of America and, I believe, by the peoples of all other countries. Governments may sometimes falter in their support of the United Nations, but the peoples of the world do not falter. The demand of men and women throughout the world for international order and justice is one of the strongest forces in these troubled times.

We have just had a vivid demonstration of that fact in Korea. The invasion of the Republic of Korea was a direct challenge to the principles of the United Nations. That challenge was met by an overwhelming response. The people of almost every member country supported the decision of the Security Council to meet this aggression with force. Few acts in our time have met with such widespread approval.

In uniting to crush the aggression in Korea, these member nations have done no more than the Charter calls for. But the important thing is that they have done it and have done it successfully. They have given dramatic evidence that the Charter works. They have proved that the Charter is a living instrument backed by the material and moral strength of members, large and small.

The men who laid down their lives for the United Nations in Korea will have a place in our memory, and in the memory of the world,

1 Department of State Bulletin, Nov. 6, 1950, pp. 719-722.

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