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vote, is destined to become one of the great documents of history. The United Nations is now engaged on a program that will extend over the next 20 years and beyond-to secure the extension and wider observance of the political, economic and social rights there set down. Its success needs the active support of all Governments.

9. Use of the United Nations to promote, by peaceful means instead of by force, the advancement of dependent, colonial or semi-colonial peoples, towards a place of equality in the world.

The great changes which have been taking place since the end of the war among the peoples of Asia and Africa must be kept within peaceful bounds by using the universal framework of the United Nations. The old relationships will have to be replaced with new ones of equality and fraternity. The United Nations is the instrument capable of bringing such a transition to pass without violent upheavals and with the best prospect of bringing long-run economic and political benefits to all nations of the world.2

10. Active and systematic use of all the powers of the Charter and all the machinery of the United Nations to speed up the development of international law towards an eventual enforceable world law for a universal world society.

These three last points deal with programs already under way to carry out important principles of the United Nations Charter. They respond to basic human desires and aspirations and co-ordinated efforts by all Governments to further these programs are indispensable to the eventual peaceful stabilization of international relations. There are many specific steps which need to be taken, for example, under Point 10, ratification of the Genocide Convention,3 greater use of the International Court of Justice, and systematic development and codification of international law. More important is that Governments should give high priority in their national policies to the continued support and development of these ideals which are at the foundation of all striving of the peoples for a better world.

What is here suggested is only an outline of preliminary proposals for a program; much more development will be needed. It is selfevident that every step mentioned, every proposal made, will require

1 Adopted Dec. 10, 1948; ibid., pp. 1156-1159. For subsequent developments, see infra, pp. 204-246.

2 For United Nations and related activities in this field, see ibid., pp. 1025–1057; see also infra, pp. 247-261.

For the text of the Convention on Genocide, approved by the U.N. General Assembly Dec. 9, 1948, see ibid., pp. 966–969. The Senate has not taken definitive action on the question of the ratification of the convention by the United States. The convention has, however, come into force through ratification or adherence with respect to the Federal Republic of Germany, the Republic of Korea, Monaco, and Viet-Nam and all countries members of the United Nations (as of Dec. 31, 1955) except Austria, Bolivia, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, Finland, India, Indonesia, Iraq, Ireland, Libya, Luxembourg, Nepal, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Pakistan, Paraguay, Peru, Portugal, Spain, Thailand, the Union of South Africa, the United Kingdom, the United States, Uruguay, Venezuela, and Yemen.

careful and detailed, even laborious preparation, negotiation and administration. It is equally self-evident that the necessary measure of agreement will be hard to realize most of the time, and even impossible some of the time. Yet the world can never accept the thesis of despair-the thesis of irrevocable and irreconcilable conflict.

3. STATEMENT BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE TO THE PRESS, JUNE 7, 19501

The 10 specific points mentioned by Mr. Lie in his memorandum include subjects of major importance in the work of the United Nations. An examination of our record will disclose that the United States has cooperated wholeheartedly in the United Nations in the search for agreement and for progress in these fields. The United States has always been ready to negotiate with other members of the United Nations on any matter in the appropriate forum. We are willing to consider any possibilities put forward by Mr. Lie or by any other member of the United Nations which are believed to be practical. As I said in my speech at Berkeley last March, "our attitude is not inflexible, our opinions are not frozen, our positions are not and will not be obstacles to peace.'

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4. RESOLUTION 494 (V) OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, NOVEMBER 20, 1950 3

The General Assembly,

Having considered the "Memorandum of points for consideration in the development of a 20-year programme for achieving peace through the United Nations" submitted by the Secretary-General,

Noting that progress has been made by the present session of the General Assembly with regard to certain of the points contained in the memorandum of the Secretary-General,

Reaffirming its constant desire that all the resources of the United Nations Charter be utilized for the development of friendly relations between nations and the achievement of universal peace,

1. Commends the Secretary-General for his initiative in preparing his memorandum and presenting it to the General Assembly;

2. Requests the appropriate organs of the United Nations to give

1 Department of State Bulletin, June 26, 1950, pp. 1050-1051.

2 Infra, pp. 1928-1936.

General Assembly, Official Records, Fifth Session, Supplement No. 20 (A/1775). pp. 79-80.

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Supra, doc. 2.

consideration to those portions of the memorandum of the SecretaryGeneral with which they are particularly concerned;

3. Requests these organs to inform the General Assembly at its sixth session, through the Secretary-General, of any progress achieved through such consideration.1

Peace Through Deeds

5. RESOLUTION 380 (V) OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, NOVEMBER 17, 1950 2

The General Assembly,

Recognizing the profound desire of all mankind to live in enduring peace and security, and in freedom from fear and want,

Confident that, if all governments faithfully reflect this desire and observe their obligations under the Charter, lasting peace and security can be established,

Condemning the intervention of a State in the internal affairs of another State for the purpose of changing its legally established government by the threat or use of force,

1. Solemnly reaffirms that, whatever the weapons used, any aggression, whether committed openly, or by fomenting civil strife in the interest of a foreign Power, or otherwise, is the gravest of all crimes against peace and security throughout the world;

2. Determines that for the realization of lasting peace and security it is indispensable:

(1) That prompt united action be taken to meet aggression wherever it arises;

(2) That every nation agree:

(a) To accept effective international control of atomic energy, under the United Nations, on the basis already approved by the General Assembly in order to make effective the prohibition of atomic weapons;

(b) To strive for the control and elimination, under the United Nations, of all other weapons of mass destruction;

(c) To regulate all armaments and armed forces under a United Nations system of control and inspection, with a view to their gradual reduction;

(d) To reduce to a minimum the diversion for armaments of its human and economic resources and to strive towards the development

1 For the Secretary-General's report, see General Assembly, Official Records, Sixth Session, Supplement No. 15 (A/1902).

2 General Assembly, Official Records, Fifth Session, Supplement No. 20 (A/1775), Pp. 13-14.

See A Decade of American Foreign Policy, pp. 1078-1135.

of such resources for the general welfare, with due regard to the needs of the under-developed areas of the world;

3. Declares that these goals can be attained if all the Members of the United Nations demonstrate by their deeds their will to achieve peace.

Uniting for Peace-Collective Measures Committee

6. ADDRESS BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE BEFORE THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, SEPTEMBER 20, 1950 (Excerpts) 1

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This meeting of the General Assembly2 is a meeting of decision. Before us lies opportunity for action which can save the hope of peace, security, well-being, and justice for generations to come. Before us also lies opportunity for drift, for irresolution, for effort feebly made. In this direction is disaster. The choice is ours. will be made whether we act or whether we do not act.

It

The peoples of the world know this. They will eagerly follow every word spoken here. Our words will reach them mingled with the sound of the battle now raging in Korea. There, men are fighting and dying under the banner of the United Nations. Our Charter, born out of the sacrifices of millions in war, is being consecrated anew to peace at the very moment of our meeting. The heroism of these men gives us this opportunity to meet and to act. Our task is to be worthy of them and of that opportunity.

We meet also with full knowledge of the great anxiety which clutches at the hearts of the people of this earth. Men and women everywhere are weighted down with fear-fear of war, fear that man may be begetting his own destruction.

But man is not a helpless creature who must await an inexorable fate. It lies within our power to take action which, God willing, can avert the catastrophe whose shadow hangs over us. That terrible responsibility rests upon every man and woman in this room. At the end of this meeting each of us must answer to his conscience on what we have done here.

How have we come to this condition of fear and jeopardy? The lifetime of many here has seen the rise and fall of empires, the growth of powerful nations, the stirrings of great continents with newborn hope, the conquest of space, and great inventions, both creative and destructive. We have lived in a century of alternating war and hope.

Now, the foundation of our hope is the United Nations. Five years ago we declared at San Francisco our determination "to save

1 The Peace the World Wants (Department of State publication 3977; 1950); Department of State Bulletin, Oct. 2, 1950, pp. 523–529.

i.e., the General Assembly's Fifth Session, Sept. 19-Dec. 15, 1950.

succeeding generations from the scourge of war," our faith in fundamental human rights, our belief in justice and social progress. During the years that have intervened, some of us have worked hard to bring this about.

There is no longer any question: Will the United Nations survive? Will the United Nations suffer the fate of the League of Nations? This question has been answered. If by nothing else, it has been answered by United Nations action against aggression in Korea.2 Blood is thicker than ink.

But a pall of fear has been cast over our hopes and our achievements.

What is the reason for this fear? Why is it that we have been unable to achieve peace and security through the United Nations in these 5 years? Why has there not been the cooperation among the great powers which was to have buttressed the United Nations? Why have we not been able to reach an agreement on the control of atomic energy and the regulation of armaments? What has been the obstacle to a universal system of collective security?

We have been confronted with many and complex problems, but the main obstacle to peace is easy to identify, and there should be no mistake in anyone's mind about it. That obstacle has been created by the policies of the Soviet Government.

We should be very clear in our minds about this obstacle. It is not the rise of the Soviet Union as a strong national power which creates difficulties. It is not the existence of different social and economic systems in the world. Nor is it, I firmly believe, any desire on the part of the Russian people for war. The root of our trouble is to be found in the new imperialism directed by the leaders of the Soviet Union.

To be more explicit, the Soviet Government raises five barriers to peace.

First, Soviet efforts to bring about the collapse of the non-Soviet world, and thereby fulfill a prediction of Soviet theory, have made genuine negotiation very difficult. The honorable representative of Lebanon, Dr. Charles Malik, stated it precisely at our last Assembly when he said: "There can be no greater disagreement than when one wants to eliminate your existence altogether.

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Second, the shroud of secrecy which the Soviet leaders have wrapped around the people and the states they control is a great barrier to peace. This has nourished suspicion and misinformation in both directions. It deprives governments of the moderating influence of contact between peoples. It stands in the way of the mutual knowledge and confidence essential to disarmament.

Third, the rate at which the Soviet Union has been building arms and armies, far beyond any requirement of defense, has gravely endangered peace throughout the world. While other countries were demobilizing and converting their industries to peaceful purposes after the war, the Soviet Union and the territories under its control

1 See the Preamble to the U.N. Charter, supra, doc. 1. 2 See infra, pp. 2536-2575.

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