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RATIFICATION AND SIGNATURE
1. The present Charter shall be ratified by the signatory states in accordance with their respective constitutional processes.
2. The ratifications shall be deposited with the Government of the United States of America, which shall notify all the signatory states of each deposit as well as the Secretary-General of the Organization when he has been appointed.
3. The present Charter shall come into force upon the deposit of ratifications by the Republic of China, France, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and the United States of America, and by a majority of the other signatory states. A protocol of the ratifications deposited shall thereupon be drawn up by the Government of the United States of America which shall communicate copies thereof to all the signatory states.
4. The states signatory to the present Charter which ratify it after it has come into force will become original Members of the United Nations on the date of the deposit of their respective ratifications.
The present Charter, of which the Chinese, French, Russian, English, and Spanish texts are equally authentic, shall remain deposited in the archives of the Government of the United States of America. Duly certified copies thereof shall be transmitted by that Government to the Governments of the other signatory states.
IN FAITH WHEREOF the representatives of the Governments of the United Nations have signed the present Charter.
DONE at the city of San Francisco the twenty-sixth day of June, one thousand nine hundred and forty-five.
Twenty-Year Program for Achieving Peace
2. MEMORANDUM FROM THE SECRETARY-GENERAL OF THE UNITED NATIONS TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, APRIL 20, 1950 2
As Secretary-General, it is my firm belief that a new and great effort must be attempted to end the so-called "cold war" and to set the world once more on a road that will offer greater hope of lasting peace.
The atmosphere of deepening international mistrust can be dissipated and the threat of the universal disaster of another war averted by employing to the full the resources for conciliation and constructive peace-building present in the United Nations Charter. The employment of these resources can secure eventual peace if we accept, believe and act upon the possibility of peaceful co-existence among all the Great Powers and the different economic and political systems they represent, and if the Great Powers evidence a readiness to undertake genuine negotiation-not in a spirit of appeasement-but with enlightened self-interest and common sense on all sides.
Measures for collective self-defence and regional remedies of other kinds are at best interim measures, and cannot alone bring any reliable security from the prospect of war. The one common undertaking and universal instrument of the great majority of the human race is the United Nations. A patient, constructive long-term use of its potentialities can bring a real and secure peace to the world. I am certain that such an effort will have the active interest and support of the smaller Member States, who have much to contribute in the conciliation of Big Power differences and in the development of constructive and mutually advantageous political and economic co-operation.
I therefore venture to suggest certain points for consideration in the formulation of a 20-year United Nations Peace Program. Certain of these points call for urgent action. Others are of a long-range nature, requiring continued effort over the next 20 years. I shall not discuss the problems of the peace settlements for Austria, Germany and Japan because the founders of the United Nations indicated that the peace settlements should be made separately from the United Nations. But I believe that the progress of a United Nations Peace Program such as is here suggested will help to bring these settlements far closer to attainment.
1 Trygve Lie.
2 Department of State Bulletin, June 26, 1950, pp. 1052-1053. This memorandum was handed personally by the Secretary-General to the President of the United States, Apr. 20; to the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Apr. 28; to the Premier of France, May 2; and to the Prime Minister of the Soviet Union, May 15. The text printed in the Bulletin is the copy of the memorandum as enclosed by the Secretary-General with his letter of June 6, 1950, to each member of the United Nations.
See infra, pp. 643-697, 1822-1886, 483-643, 1778-1821, 1839-1927, 425-483, and 2405-2427, respectively.
1. Inauguration of periodic meetings of the Security Council, attended by foreign ministers, or heads or other members of governments, as provided by the United Nations Charter and the rules of procedure; together with further development and use of other United Nations machinery for negotiation, mediation and conciliation of international disputes.
The periodic meetings of the Security Council provided for in Article 28 of the Charter have never been held. Such periodic meetings should be held semiannually, beginning with one in 1950. In my opinion, they should be used for a general review at a high level of outstanding issues in the United Nations, particularly those that divide the Great Powers. They should not be expected to produce great decisions every time; they should be used for consultation-much of it in privatefor efforts to gain ground toward agreement on questions at issue, to clear up misunderstandings, to prepare for new initiatives that may improve the chances for definitive agreement at later meetings. They should be held away from Headquarters as a general rule, in Geneva, the capitals of the Permanent Members and in other regions of the world.
Further development of the resources of the United Nations for mediation and conciliation should be undertaken, including reestablishment of the regular practice of private consultations by the representatives of the five Great Powers, and a renewed effort to secure agreement by all the Great Powers on limitations on the use of the veto power in the pacific settlement procedures of the Security Council.
2. A new attempt to make progress toward establishing an international control system for atomic energy that will be effective in preventing its use for war and promoting its use for peaceful purposes.
We cannot hope for any quick or easy solution of this most difficult problem of atomic energy control. The only way to find out what is possible is to resume negotiation in line with the directive of the General Assembly last fall "to explore all possible avenues and examine all concrete suggestions with a view to determining what might lead to an agreement."1 Various suggestions for finding a basis for a fresh approach have been put forward. One possibility would be for the Security Council to instruct the Secretary-General to call a conference of scientists whose discussions might provide a reservoir of new ideas on the control of weapons of mass destruction and the promotion of peaceful uses of atomic energy that could thereafter be explored in the United Nations Atomic Energy Commission. Or, it may be that an interim agreement could be worked out that would at least be some improvement on the present situation of an unlimited atomic arms
1 General Assembly Res. 299 (IV) of Nov. 23, 1949; A Decade of American Foreign Policy, p. 1135. The resolution as adopted read "with a view to determining whether they might lead to an agreement. .
2 See infra, pp. 2823-2839.
3 Established by a resolution adopted by the General Assembly, Jan. 24, 1946; A Decade of American Foreign Policy, pp. 1078-1079.
race, even though it did not afford full security. There are other possibilities for providing the basis for a new start; every possibility should be explored.
3. A new approach to the problem of bringing the armaments race under control not only in the field of atomic weapons, but in other weapons of mass destruction and in conventional armaments.
Here is another area where it is necessary to re-activate negotiation and to make new efforts at finding some area of common ground. It must be recognized that up to now there has been virtually a complete failure here and that the immediate prospects seem poor indeed. Clearly disarmament requires an atmosphere of confidence in which political disputes are brought nearer to solution. But it is also true that any progress at all towards agreement on the regulation of armaments of any kind would help to reduce cold war tensions and thus assist in the adjustment of political disputes. Negotiation on this problem should not be deferred until the other great political problems are solved, but should go hand-in-hand with any effort to reach political settlements.
4. A renewal of serious efforts to reach agreement on the armed forces to be made available under the Charter to the Security Council for the enforcement of its decisions.
A new approach should be made towards resolving existing differences on the size, location and composition of the forces to be pledged to the Security Council under Article 43 of the Charter. Basic political difficulties which may delay a final solution should not be permitted to stand in the way of some sort of an interim accord for a small force sufficient to prevent or stop localized outbreaks threatening international peace. The mere existence of such a force would greatly enhance the ability of the Security Council to bring about peaceful settlements in most of the cases which are likely to come before it.'
5. Acceptance and application of the principle that it is wise and right to proceed as rapidly as possible toward universality of membership.
Fourteen nations' are now awaiting admission to the United Nations. In the interests of the people of these countries and of the United Nations, I believe they should all be admitted, as well as other countries which will attain their independence in the future. It should be made clear that Germany and Japan would also be admitted as soon as the peace treaties have been completed.
1 For a modification of this proposal, see Res. 377 (V), adopted by the General Assembly, Nov. 3, 1950; infra, pp. 187-192.
2 Albania, Austria, Bulgaria, Ceylon, Finland, Hungary, Indonesia, Ireland, Italy, Jordan, Korea, Nepal, Portugal, and Rumania.
For subsequent action taken on the membership question, see infra, pp. 334337.
6. A sound and active program of technical assistance for economic development and encouragement of broad scale capital investment, using all appropriate private, governmental and inter-governmental resources.
A technical assistance program is in its beginnings,' assisted by the strong support of the President of the United States. Its fundamental purpose is to enable the people of the under-developed countries to raise their standard of living peacefully by specific and practicable measures. It should be a continuing and expanding program for the next 20 years and beyond, carried forward with the cooperation of all Member Governments, largely through the United Nations and the Specialized Agencies, with mutual beneficial programs planned and executed on a basis of equality rather than on a basis of charity. Through this means the opportunities can be opened up for capital investment on a large and expanding scale. Here lies one of our best hopes for combating the dangers and costs of the cold war.3
7. More vigorous use by all Member Governments of the Specialized Agencies of the United Nations to promote, in the words of the Charter, "higher standards of living, full employment and conditions of economic and social progress."
The great potentialities of the Specialized Agencies to participate in a long-range program aimed at drastically reducing the economic and social causes of war, can be realized by more active support from all Governments, including the membership of the Soviet Union in some or all of the Agencies to which it does not now belong. The expansion of world trade which is vital to any long-range effort for world betterment requires the early ratification of the Charter of the International Trade Organization.
8. Vigorous and continued development of the work of the United Nations for wider observance and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms throughout the world.
It is becoming evident that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the General Assembly in 1948 without a dissenting
1 See the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly Dec. 4, 1948, and Nov. 16, 1949; A Decade of American Foreign Policy, pp. 1364-1366 and 1372, respectively.
2 See the President's message of June 24, 1949, to the Congress; ibid., pp. 1367-1372.
3 For action taken by the General Assembly on this portion of the program recommended by the Secretary-General, see its Resolutions 399-404 (V), adopted Nov. 20, 1950 (General Assembly, Official Records, Fifth Session, Supplement No. 20 (A/1775), pp. 26-29).
The list of specialized agencies of which the U.S.S.R. was not a member as of 1950 included the International Labor Organization, the Food and Agriculture Organization, the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the International Monetary Fund, the International Civil Aviation Organization, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, the World Health Organization (though nominally a member, the U.S.S.R. did not participate in its work), the International Refugee Organization, and the Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization.
5 Charter of Mar. 24, 1948; abridged text in A Decade of American Foreign Policy, pp. 391-409. The charter did not come into force.