place regarding almost a new cold war, we have not really kind of put our money where our mouths are on this issue. I think that is the key.

They needed us very badly. The Russians need us. We were in the Soviet Union just a few weeks ago and the papers began to indicate that there would be a grain failure and certainly the American papers have covered that widely. I think figures are a 50-percent shortage for the 4th consecutive year.

They need our grain and Secretary Brock and President Reagan I think have to include that in that policy before they discuss whether or not there will be an extension of the grain deal for one year or more without putting any conditions into it. They have to understand that just by going ahead with what they want to do anyway and asking the Russians for something else in return, we will be able to perhaps maybe save only the 6 Pentacostalists in the Soviet Embassy. We might be able to save 20 people, 12 people, 100 people, but I think the effort is worth making.

Mr. GILMAN. Has the Western European community applied any of these kind of pressures on the Soviet Union?

Mr. HILL. There has not been much direct linkage in terms of that sort of pressure. There has been a sense in which there has probably been more outcry among some of the countries in Europe than there has been even in the United States. But I am not aware of a lot of efforts directly linking trade with it. We have seen some remarkable resolutions from them which are to be applied, but I have not seen much linkage.

Mr. GILMAN. Has the European community involved itself in the Pentacostal movement at all?

Mr. HILL. Sweden has. Sweden has been very active in this and Switzerland has done quite a bit on this as well.

Ms. DRAKE. I would like to make one comment about that.

I think the story was in Europe before it ever got to the United States. There seemed to be more Europeans that were aware that they were in our embassy long before the Americans became

aware.

Mr. GILMAN. Do you feel that we have effectively fostered our concern for human rights in the Madrid Conference?

Mr. HILL. May I comment on that?

We met with Max Kampelman, who is head of our delegation there, and if he is any indication of the quality of people we have representing us there, I was most encouraged. We had lengthy discussions about what would work and, interestingly enough, specifically what he said would work is what we have proposed here today, linkage and loud public outcry in the West. And he was very frank in telling us how we could deal with the Soviets when we met with the Soviets and I was most impressed with what he was doing there in Madrid.

Mr. ZAKIM. Ambassador Kampelman, who has been a very active leader in the Anti-Defamation League nationally and internationally, I think is a very high quality individual and has represented us very eloquently.

Former Congressman Drinan has been there and spoken out. I think that is probably the one area where we have done what we should be doing, but there must be much more done and I don't

think they would have yet seen from this administration that kind of firm resolve that is necessary to make this issue that we are all here today to talk about a successful one.

Mr. GILMAN. Ms. Drake, did you want to comment?

Ms. DRAKE. No, I don't think so.

Mr. GILMAN. Ms. Zakim, did you want to comment?
Ms. ZAKIM. No.

Mr. GILMAN. I am pleased to hear your comment about Ambassador Kampelman. I think both my colleague Mr. Bonker and myself have attended the conferences and found out that our delegation was doing quite a bit of important work in raising the individual cases for the first time in the past few years. They were also paying a great deal of attention to some of these individual cases that had not been stressed in the past. It is a very frustrating issue. Those of us in the Congress who worked on it find the results are not too readily enumerated and they come few and far between.

You often try to find the formula and there just is not a formula, a black and white formula. I guess what you are saying about the pressures in other directions are quite valid and I think we should be doing a lot more in that direction.

I thank the panel for its comments.

Mr. BONKER. Thank you, Mr. Gilman.

Ms. Drake, you mentioned that there has been a greater awareness in Europe of this problem than there has been in the States. Ms. DRAKE. Maybe not now, but at least the first 2 years they

were more aware.

Mr. BONKER. What to your knowledge, are the Europeans or various countries over there doing to implement policy that would bring about linkage or other enforcement action concerning the plight of those being held in the Soviet Union.

Ms. DRAKE. I am really not qualified to answer that question. I do know, or I think I know, that Germans do buy people out. Olga Hruby, who will be testifying next, is quite qualified to answer questions like that.

Mr. BONKER. As chairman of the one subcommittee overseeing human rights policy, my foremost concern is the human rights situation in the world. We find that most, if not half of the countries in the world are guilty of human rights violations in one form or another.

You can look at Latin America and the problems with disappearances and torture is very widespread. You can look at Asian countries and see human rights violations, and the same with the Soviet Union and so forth.

Trying to deal with the human rights problem invariably leads to some kind of linkage or threat of sanctions. If we were to effectively impose trade sanctions on countries that were consistently violators of human rights without other Western countries cooperating and imposing similar sanctions, we would deal a devastating blow to our own economy.

A few hours ago we just passed on the House floor a bill to allow the formation of export trading companies to enable small companies to get into the export market. But to subject them to economic sanctions because of various human rights violations around the world is to cripple their efforts to compete.

The Export Administration Act was put into place to deny export licenses for the transfer of high technologies to the Soviet Union and it is under that jurisdiction that President Carter imposed the grain embargo, and now President Reagan is using it on the construction of that gas line.

In each instance we find that we go it alone. We always go it alone. The United States carries an enormous burden as the superpower trying to protect the West and to keep our own economy in a stable condition. Yet we are trying to build a human rights policy—and I've been a strong advocate in the last few years to do just that. When we impose sanctions we deny our own economy the competition it needs in the world marketplace.

I know your concern is not with economics, but we in the Congress have to deal with that dimension. I just wish it were possible to arouse the conscience of other countries especially in the socalled civilized world so that we could have a more united effort to deal with oppression in the Soviet Union. Unless we have a united effort when we impose sanctions we end up just punishing our own businesses while the Europeans do business as usual.

When we imposed a grain embargo on the Soviet Union the Argentinians did business as usual. We cease to be effective in that case and yet we end up with a burden. So that is why I think we ought to look at a new strategy for dealing with these problems. I like your idea about offering the "Siberian Seven" a permanent residence. At least that is a concrete step and might be ultimately a very practical one. I don't think we have dealt with an issue like that on the House side, at least since I've been in the Congress. We used to have private bills that were quite common but that has been institutionally prohibited.

We in the Congress need some new policy directions so that we can deal effectively with these problems. Linkage on trade, especially, is very difficult to confront legislatively and just authorizing the President to impose sanctions does not work very well either. We see that not only in the case of the Soviet Union but also in the case of human rights violations in Latin America. We are kind of ignored. We have a whole series of things that we attempted to do by way of policy but invariably it ends up with the President having the authority, as in the case in El Salvador. There will be a new round of requests for doubling our military aid for El Salvador. We say certain conditions must be met, such as human rights, land reform, and progress in the investigations of the deaths of the nuns and so on and so forth.

We require certification from the President before the aid is actually extended, and that sometimes becomes a charade. Institutionally, these are very difficult issues to deal with but we have to start somewhere.

We start with these hearings and witnesses like you who are totally committed to arouse our conscience and to make us more fully committed to getting something done. So I want to thank you for your appearance today.

Mr. ZAKIM. Thank you.

Mr. BONKER. The last panel will consist of two witnesses, Rev. Roger Arnold, executive director of the Christian Solidarity Inter

national, and Mr. and Mrs. Hruby, executive director and deputy director of Religion in Communist Dominated Areas.

We will hear first from Rev. Roger Arnold, executive director of Christian Solidarity International and then from the Hrubys. I am indebted to staff who told me that it is pronounced with an "H" so I would not have to stumble trying to pronounce it with an "R". Mrs. HRUBY. That is correct. It is pronounced with the "H". Mr. BONKER. Thank you.

Mrs. HRUBY. Yes, sir.

Mr. BONKER. Reverend Arnold, you may begin.

STATEMENT OF REV. ROGER ARNOLD, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, CHRISTIAN SOLIDARITY INTERNATIONAL

Reverend ARNOLD. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman and the subcommittee, on behalf of the Christian Solidarity International, and for the opportunity to testify on religious persecution.

My name is Rev. Roger K. Arnold, and I direct the activities of Christian Solidarity International in the United States under the name of CSI-Zurich, 12000 Old Georgetown Road in Rockville, Md., working on behalf of those who are religiously persecuted around the world.

CSI was founded in 1977 in Zurich, Switzerland, by Europeans and Americans as an international Christian campaign for freedom of religion. Its purpose is to inform, and then to bring to action help to those who are suffering for their faith. CSI presently has national committees in 12 countries other than the U.S. office.

I have worked with Christian Solidarity International for 3 years, having come into this unique type of ministry from the pastorate for 62 years. It was during my time of service at Wheaton Woods Baptist Church, Rockville, Md., that my interest began, developed, and increased for persecuted Christians who suffer because of their faith. CSI became the vehicle to help fulfill that desire.

The main office for Christian Solidarity International is in Zurich, Switzerland, is constantly receiving information about the subject of persecution, as well as sifting through it, and at the same time researching and confirming the reports being received. It is from these files, together with available current data, that we are able to formulate the basis of this report.

It has been requested by the subcommittee that my remarks concern themselves primarily with the plight of Christians in Eastern Europe, since testimony will be given with reference to the believers in the Soviet Union by another witness. However, overall, more Christians have been persecuted in this century than in any other. The reason is due to the intolerance of totalitarian regimes and, as a result, Christians in many countries are ruthlessly persecuted and cruelly tortured.

In the prisons and concentration camps of many dictatorial countries thousands of people suffer for the only reason that they are not prepared to betray their faith. Moreover, millions of people are hindered in practicing their religion and are discriminated against at work and in society. In addition, those who have died as a result

of these cruelties are innumerable, because no one knows the number of those missing.

International law, concerning the freedom of religion and conscience, within the Charter of the United Nations, under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, tells us this according to article 18:

Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.

The problem is that not all member nations are adhering to this article in good faith. And because of continual violations, individuals suffer religious persecution in countries where this article is not respected or kept.

Specifically in my testimony, I will briefly cover the restrictive situations in five Eastern European countries, namely; Albania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Romania.

The ancient name for Albania was Illyricum, a place where the Biblical apostle Paul "fully preached the Gospel of Christ." And it is certain that the Gospel was accepted. And from reliable reports, at the end of the first century, the church had given itself a hierarchical structure.

In 1385, the Turks conquered the country and introduced Islam, reigning there until 1912, the year of its declaration of independence. At the end of the Turkish rule, approximately two-thirds of the population was Muslim, 19 percent were Orthodox, and 13 percent Catholic.

After their takeover in 1945, the Communists under the direction of Enver Hoxha left nothing undone to completely eradicate any signs of religious life, be it Christian or Muslim, so 2,168 churches, mosques, and monasteries were closed, pulled down, or used for other purposes. Almost all the priests who survived are now in prison camps or prisons. Laws were made which allow arbitrary deportations into the prison camps, for example, of persons who are in possession of religious literature or ritual objects.

The prison term can be shortened or prolonged by a special commission without a court's judgment. These measures are applied to young people from the age of 14 onward. The constitution places religion "outside the law" and "any kind of religious activities and propaganda is forbidden." Obviously, one is particularly afraid that people might flee from the atheistic paradise. Therefore, relatives and even other people who lived in the same house with the one who fled, or those dependent on him, are made liable. Not without pride, Albania proclaimed in 1967 to be the world's first atheistic state.

News about the suffering of the church in this repressive society are very scarce, as emigrants fear the above-mentioned repressions against their families. One of them, the former seminarist Mark Ndocaj, reports that in April 1979 Bishop Ernst Coba was murdered in the prison camp of Paperr. The police learned about an Easter service which he was going to hold secretly in the camp. They forcibly entered the barracks and started beating the believers. The old and almost blind bishop was severely hurt and found