From The Economist.

THE REALITY OF THE INDIAN FAMINE.

we be heeded if we did; the public does not know that there is such a problem. We must therefore prove its existence, THE discussions here upon the famine and unfortunately it is easy enough to do in India and the narratives of it sent home so by a series of citations from writers naturally turn upon its more salient out- and speakers of official authority. There lines and its more picturesque features. is a disposition on the part of the public They tell us, or try to tell us, whether to look on this Indian famine as an Lord Northbrook was right in his policy isolated and anomalous event which we in this or that matter; whether Sir G. have to deal with now once for all, and Campbell suggested something better or the like of which we need not expect to worse; what is the state of the popula- see again. But the late Secretary of tion at this moment in Tirhoot or else- State for India, the Duke of Argyll, thus where. And we would not deny for an warns us to the contrary: "My Lords," instant the value of this information and he says, "it is melancholy to think that I argument. They are absolutely neces- should remind your lordships of the fact sary for those who have to decide upon, that famines are of by no means rare occurand for those who wish to learn, the de- rence in India. Without going back to tails of this painful event. But there is the famines of the last century, some of besides a much deeper class of consid- which have left terrible remembrances in erations which this controversy and these the recollections of the people, but going details tend to hide. We have to face in back only to the Mutiny of a few years India a great and new problem, and we ago, we find that no fewer than four ought to see what that problem is. scarcities, amounting almost to famines, have occurred since that time. Every Minister who has had charge of the affairs of India, however short his term of office, since the Mutiny of 1857, has had to deal with a scarcity of that kind in some part of India. In 1861-62 my noble friend behind me, who so long presided over the Government of India, had to deal with a serious famine in the North-West Provinces. During the time another of my hon. friends held the seals of the India Office, he had to deal with the famine of 1865 and 1866, and when he handed those seals to my noble friend opposite, he (the Marquis of Salisbury) assumed office in the very midst of a famine which has left such a bitter recollection on the minds of the people. Again, when Sir Stafford Northcote gave up the seals of office, and I took them in 1868-69, there was then in the North-West Provinces a serious famine which cost the lives of thousands of people. And, lastly, when I retire from office my noble friend opposite succeeds in the middle of a calamity threatening great danger to the enormously populous district of Behar." [Speech in the House of Lords, April 24, 1874.]

The population of India is now, for the first time in history, augmenting with great rapidity: year by year the people become more and more numerous. The peace we have compelled, the infanticide we have prevented, the little civilization we have introduced, all tend in this way. But there is no corresponding addition to the means of supporting the people. Already they are as thick upon the soil as almost anywhere in the world. The habits of the people are much opposed to change, and the fixed, inherited structure of society often prohibits it. The present subsistence of the poorest in many parts is excessively small, and consists mainly of the cheapest kind of food, and the most precarious. More or less unfavourable seasons constantly happen, and the consequence is more or less of scarcity, more or less of high prices, and more or fewer deaths among the population. The number of the population is already enormous; there was till lately

an

error in our estimate of it. We thought, by traditional computation, that it was in Bengal alone 43,000,000, but by actual counting we find it comes to 66,000,000, and 23,000,000, the amount of this error, is about the population of England and Wales. The problem is, then, Are we right by our imported Government to force on the indefinite augmentation of this enormous multitude, and if so, how are we to provide for them?

We cannot pretend to solve that problem at the present moment, nor should

The present famine is greater than some famines, though less than others, but what is new in it is the attention given to it in England, and the mode of treatment adopted in India. For the first time we are applying on a sufficient scale European ideas to an Asiatic problem. The native governments always let their subjects die without an effort to save them, and though we have generally made:

some efforts for them, yet they have other quarter of them may be put down

always been ineffectual, and never comparable to what we are now doing.

between Rs. 8 and Rs. 10·8 (¿.e., sixteen to twenty-one shillings a month. The remaining quarter averages about Rs. 12.8 a month (twenty-five shillings), and very few even of this comfortable class can afford to spend over Rs. 16 (or thirty-two shillings) per mensem.

"It is not my business here to make proposals as to the methods of dealing with the famine, but merely to furnish a basis of systematized evidence by which such proposals may be judged. Elsewhere I have had an opportunity of submitting any views I may personally entertain with regard to the main lines of a Famine Policy. For the present it suffices merely to summarize the evidence contained in the following District Accounts.

"First.- Ordinary Prices. The rate of common rice in prosperous years may be set down at 1 1-2 farthings per pound.

Next we cite Dr. Hunter, the accomplished Director of Statistics for the Indian Government, who writes thus in his "Annals of Rural Bengal," a book written before the late census and before the present controversies : "In the old times, when war and pestilence constantly thinned them, the system of non-inquiry acted tolerably well; but now that peace is sternly imposed, when vaccination is introduced, and everything is done that modern science can suggest to reduce the ravages of pestilence to a minimum, the people increase at a rate that threatens to render the struggle for life harder under British rule than under Mussulman tyranny. At the same time, we have taken away slavery, the last resource of the cultivator when he cannot earn a livelihood for his family. In short, we are attempting to govern according to "Second.- Famine warnings. When the principles of Christian humanity and rice reaches double these rates after the modern civilization, forgetful that under December harvest, or in January or Febsuch a system the numbers of a people ruary, that is to say, to 3 farthings per increase, while in India the means of sub- pound, these prices should be accepted sistence stand still. Progress implies as a warning of famine later in the year, dangers unknown in stationary societies, and would justify action in anticipation and an imported civilization is a safe ex- of famine, unless the facilities for imporperiment only when the changes which it tation, or some other of the special conworks are ascertained and provided for.ditions mentioned in the District AcIn the absence of machinery for discover-counts rendered famine unlikely in the ing the pressure of the population, we are District. liable at any moment to be rudely awak- "Third.- Actual Famine Rates. ened to the fact that the blessings of rice rises to three times the ordinary British rule have been turned into curses; rates in prosperous years, that is to say, and, as in the case of the Santals be- to 5 farthings per pound, the actual famfore their rising, that protection from the ine point is in some Districts of Bengal sword and pestilence has only intensified reached, and Relief Works become in the difficulty of subsistence."-[Annals such Districts necessary. This formula of Rural Bengal, pp. 259-260.] must also be taken as subject to the limitations and reservations contained in the District Accounts. Different localities exhibit very different powers of resistance to the strain of famine.

If

"Fourth.- These figures very forcibly suggest the extremely small difference (when expressed in English money) between plenty and scarcity. Three and a half farthings per pound represent the whole intermediate area between a year of prosperity and one of famine; while there are only two farthings per pound between the rates which amount to a famine warning and those at which the famine point is reached.

And of what sort the present so-called subsistence is the same very able writer tells us in his last book, with which he has evidently taken the greatest pains, and in preparing which he has had all the official machinery of his department at his disposal. "It would," he says, "be beyond my knowledge to say what proportion of these labourers and agriculturalists are within reach of starvation during a famine. But the following rough estimate may be useful, I consider that 9 1-2 millions, or one-fourth of them, do not earn more than Rs. 5 (ten shillings) a month, or say 3 annas a day, during a working month of 27 days; another quar- "Fifth. These facts explain the inter of them earn between Rs. 5 and Rs. 8 variable and urgent demand by the native (i... between ten shillings and sixteen community to prohibit exportation durshillings) a month. The earnings of an-ing famine. I would not be understood

to advocate that demand. Such a meas- the agricultural classes, conclusively ure involves wide considerations of pub- shows that marriage takes place as a matlic policy which cannot be discussed here. ter of course, and is scarcely, if at all inBut I have never seen the question ade- fluenced by any consideration of the quately discussed by the light which these means of living."-[Journal of the Stafigures now shed upon it. I am told that tistical Society, March, 1874, p. 95.] the retail price of rice in Europe may No doubt the incessant multiplication rise a few farthings a pound without thus unhealthily stimulated was under the causing anything like a sudden cessation native system restrained by war and inof the consumption. But in Bengal two fanticide, by misery, death, and pestifarthings make the whole difference be-lence. But we can remove these retween a famine warning and the famine point, and three and a half farthings per pound the whole difference between a time of plenty and a time of famine. It is clear, therefore, that as a difference of a few farthings does not cause a cessation of the demand in Europe, exportation will go on although these same few farthings may mean starvation for the Bengal peasant.”—[A System of Famine Warnings, pp. 14-16.]

straints; we can hardly do otherwise if we are to rule at all; and therefore by inevitable laws the evil increases upon us. As we have before said, it would be premature to discuss the true solution of this problem now. The difficulty must be seen before it can be met, and appreciated before it can be removed. We can only state that none greater or more fearful has ever occupied or is ever likely to occupy English statesmen.

From The Pall Mall Gazette. ITALIAN AFFAIRS.

We have nothing to do, any more than this writer, with the policy or impolicy of prohibiting exportation; we are only showing how badly the people are off in common times, and how little it takes to bring them to starvation. And now let us hear from Mr. Beverley, the Census ROME, April 28. Commissioner, the best authority on the THE Italian Liberals of the dominant subject, how surely the population multi-party are proud of nothing so much as ply in all this misery.- "The wider prev- the ecclesiastical policy they have adoptalence, I may say the universality, of ed ever since Cavour's death and on marriage in this country will account for a larger proportion of births among the population. Marriage and the raising of offspring is considered a religious duty by the Hindu, and both sons and daughters are early provided for in this respect by all right-minded and orthodox parents. So important is it considered to have male offspring by whom the funeral rites may be duly celebrated, that not only is a second marriage permitted to males, but a pretext is thus found even for polygamy. It is quite possible, again, that owing to the earlier age at which marriage is consummated as compared with European countries, larger families as a rule should be the result. It may, of course, be urged that the interdiction of widow marriages must have an injurious effect upon the increase of the population, but after all, I should be inclined to doubt whether the proportion of Hindu widows at all approaches the proportion of unmarried women in England or other European countries. And we must further bear in mind, that moral restraints upon marriage do not exist in this country. The information which this Association lately collected in regard to

Cavour's advice. It remains an open question whether the great statesman, whose prominent quality was pliability to circumstances, would have continued to recommend the principle of the "free Church in a free State" after the failure of all attempts towards a reconciliation with the Court of Rome, after the total transformation the Catholic Church underwent in 1870; nay, it is extremely doubtful whether that astute sceptic ever really believed in the virtue of his own principle or only advanced it as a political mot d'ordre for the time being. Certain it is the Italians have honestly and consistently tried to act up to it; and, if they have taken away his dominions from the Pope and their properties from the religious communities, they have left the Church otherwise free to act as she pleases; and they look down on the Swiss and German politicians who have taken a different course with something like the consciousness of superiority with which a convinced disciple of John Stuart Mill looks down upon a Cranmer or a Latimer. I do not intend entering into an examination as to the absolute or relative value of the much-vaunted prin

the Capitol, or to see a Bible Society setting to work, for Government to become its instrument.

ciple; I will not ask whether it is not still left to them. It suffices for the made, as Mr. Fitzjames Stephen thinks, clergy to oppose a law which they recog "to emasculate both Church and State," nize and submit to without a murmur in and whether "to turn Churches into the most fervently Catholic countries, mere voluntary associations is not on such as France and Belgium, for the Govthe part of the State an act of covert un-ernment to abandon it. I allude to the belief rather than of neutrality; nor bill on the obligatory priority of civil to shall I question whether the oldest coun- religious marriage, the absence of which try in Europe, the cradle and metropolis bill has brought, and brings daily, incalof Catholicism - a country where there culable mischief to thousands of Italian is only one Church, and that one the subjects whom the present law regards most powerfully organized in the world as living in concubinage, whose children - be in the same position as a new coun- are illegitimate and unable to inherit, &c. try, such as North America, where there It is enough for a fanat cal bishop, exist hundreds of Churches, and where neither recognized by Government nor the immense majority is hostile to Ro- recognizing it, to excommunicate the man Catholicism. All I wish to inquire poor peasants who dared to elect their into and to state are the results obtained own curates for the Government to abanby the Italian policy towards Rome, and don both the confiding populations and whether it is not now time to inaugurate their courageous priests. It is enough a different system. for the Holy See to express a dislike to The Holy Father has not as yet recog-hear the divinity of Christ discussed on nized the new kingdom, and he and his ecclesiastical army are as much opposed to it now as they were fifteen years ago. The ardently desired reconciliation has To all this the Italian Liberals have not been brought about. Pope and two answers ready: the first, Should we clergy, albeit the former disdainfully have succeeded better by trying to force rejects all the pecuniary offers made the clergy's submission to the State? to him by the Italian Government, and although the latter do not deign to solicit from nor even to announce their appointments to the Royal authorities in order to obtain their salary, are in a far more flourishing financial condition than Italy, and look to the future with confidence. The ecclesiastical schools, both popular and classical, still count four times as many pupils as the Government educational establishments. The Conservative classes of the country, faithful to the watchword from the Vatican "Nè elettori, nè elletti"-take no part in the political life of the kingdom; and the Extreme Right in Parliament is composed exclusively of men who in every other legislative assembly in the world would be seated in the Left Centre in other terms two-fifths, and perhaps the most influential part, of the population, are not legally represented. Finally, in case of a war the organized ecclesiastical army, whose chief resides in the Vatican, would not only support but openly appeal to the country's enemies. Meanwhile, the press and the pulpit, to say nothing of the confessional, are free to attack not only the laws and Constitution of the kingdom, but also the very legality of its existence, Government having voluntarily laid aside its best weapons and not daring to employ even those which are

the second, Would it be possible in Italy to follow such a course? The failure of Germany in her attempts to subdue the rebellious clergy is generally quoted in answer to the first of these questions; but the Italians forget two little circumstances: one, that Germany only began a year or two ago to show her determination to enforce respect for the laws; the other, that Germany has let the moment pass when she would have been able to do so without encountering much resistance, the whole of the German clergy having been disposed in 1870 to side with the Government against Rome, and only having submitted to the Vatican after vainly waiting for support and finding themselves abandoned. L'Eglise est femme. Wheresoever a strong Government has shown a firm will from the outset the Roman Court has yielded, in the times of Louis XIV. and Napoleon I. as well as in our days. France has enjoyed for seventy years the very same legislation against which the German bishops are rebelling, and there is no need of persecution to induce the French prelates to submit to it. In Austria the bishops in their protest against the new laws have declared beforehand that they would nevertheless submit to them; and Monsignor Jacobini has left us a few days ago for Vienna, bearer of conciliatory propo

but then, of course, they must lasciar dir la gente, and submit to being censured by those in whose eyes all energy is cruelty and all firmness inhumanity.

sals from the Pope. If Germany and which has survived all religious faith; a Italy had from the beginning shown the belief which is just now stronger than intention to brook no resistance, they ever among the enlightened classes, and would not have found any. The former perhaps stronger in Italy than in Gerhas perceived her mistake betimes. Italy many. That belief is patriotism. It is still persists in believing or in trying to not by appeals to a more rigid or a purer believe that she has chosen the better religious belief that the Italians will be course. Besides, with our character, roused against the Church, but by the with our manners and customs, says the love of their country, the safety of which Italian Liberal, a policy of the kind you is now threatened by their old enemy. advocate is impossible. We are all There can be no doubt that if the Italian sceptics; we do not care a straw for reli- Government were to follow the example gion; we neither hate nor love Catholi- of Napoleon I., the German Emperor, cism; we are completely indifferent. Count Andrassy, and M. Cérésole — if How would it be possible to stir up a re- they looked upon the struggle as what ligious war in so lukewarm an atmos- it really is, a political war-it would phere? We may assure our Italian arouse as much enthusiasm as the Berlin friends that things are not very different- and Berne Governments have found on ly situated in the rest of the Continent; the part of the German and Swiss people; that scepticism is rife enough in France and in Austria as well as in Italy; and that the German middle classes are even more than indifferent, for such a thing as religion does not exist for them. The contest we are now witnessing in the new empire is by no means one between Protestantism and Catholicism; it is between Church and State; it is not a religious but a political war; not opposite dogmas but opposite interests which are at issue. We are quite aware that it would be ridiculous to suppose Italy capable of a religious zeal similar to that we see in England and America, for faith of any kind is quite out of the question here. But so it is in Germany. Of course, Germans carry even into unbelief and freethought an earnestness which is natural to them, and which does not lie in the Italian character; but this conflict has not even been undertaken under the name of Freethought versus Catholicism, it is State versus Church; and precisely because neither the French nor the English State have been threatened, they are able to look quietly on as mere spectators. In Germany, in Italy, and in Russia, on the contrary, where the Church of Rome sides with the State's enemies, she evidently aims at the State's destruction; and just as she accepts the assistance of Poles, Alsatians, Danes, and Communists, the State in Germany accepts as the State in Italy ought to do

From The Pall Mall Gazette. THE FIJI ISLANDS.

III. THE BLACKS.

ONE of the greatest difficulties in Fiji, as in all tropical countries, is of course the labour question. White men can work and do work very hard in Fiji; but the climate is really unsuited for Europeans to do more than superintend, especially during the hurricane months. Those who attempt constant labour almost invariably suffer. Instances could be given of planters who have ploughed day after day for weeks under that burning sun; but these are men of exceptional strength, and sooner or later they feel the effects seriously. The moist heat is at certain seasons so relaxing that even those who have been accustomed to the glare of Queensland are forced to give in. Whites, thus shut off from exerting themselves much and being few in number, turn naturally to the Fijians to help them. But the Fijians will not work regularly on their own islands, and even when they are sent to plantations in another part of the group, they require looking after by the assistance of Old Catholics, their own chiefs. Food to the extent sincere Protestants, Jews, and freethink- which they need can be obtained with a ers, in order to strengthen itself against very moderate amount of labour, and the its dangerous adversary. Surely, an or- severe and continuous exertion which is ganization which is based upon faith is necessary for European methods of cultinot to be subdued if the adverse party be vation is altogether opposed to their ideas devoid of faith. Nor is it in reality. of a reasonable existence. A few may There is yet a belief on the Continent' be found who can be trained into regular