CHAPTER V. ON THE DEFECTIVE CONDITIONS OF SOCIETY WHICH ARE PECULIARLY SUBJECT TO MORAL INFLUENCE. SECTION I. On the Necessity of Morality and Knowledge to It is nearly impossible to say anything upon a moral subject, which has not already been often repeated, assented to, perhaps applauded, and then neglected. Nevertheless, it is only through earnest repetition that truths at last win attention. If any delusions are useful, it is those of hope. Were we always to keep calculating the failures of the zealous and the eloquent, either we should attempt nothing, or proceed so timidly, we should strengthen the indifference we dread. We should induce nobody to struggle against the prejudice and opposition of society, if by our own manner, we showed plainly we expected no such result. It would seem an extravagance to display energy, for which even the advocates of the cause were not prepared. Fortunately, it is impossible to engage deeply in any subject, without catching some degree of enthusiasm about it, which beguiles our thoughts from the probability of neglect. It by no means follows that every effort is ineffectual, the conse quences of which are not immediate and visible. The traces that disappear from our view may rise again in some distant form, like a rill that dips into the earth, and waters the roots of plants, whose seeds may spread over half the globe. They, who shrink from exerting an influence which they estimate as that of one against thousands, should reflect that they may touch the breast of some one, whose example and authority has the weight that their own wants. In the great diffusion of books also, there is this advantage. If a work have gained any circulation, whoever is struck with any truth it may contain, has the certainty that many more minds, at the same time, are so too; and therefore the first who ventures to act on it, may reckon upon being sustained. It is observed by a writer already referred to, "that as arts and refinement increase, patriotism has a tendency to decrease: because personal wants must increase pari passu with the means of gratifying them. Hence time itself is wanting to do anything purely for the advantage of the community. "The necessity of giving all our time and effort to the maintenance of our own individual station puts an end to the knight-errantry of patriotism. We hear of no more public works undertaken at the expense of private individuals. We have no philosophers who open schools, to improve their fellowcitizens without any personal emolument. But this disadvantage might be much more than counterbalanced by the general dissemination of a principle of action, leading every one to act consistently with the public good, though not solely for that purpose. To conduct such a stream through society, and direct it sanely, the women are indispensable*." By making consistency with public good a principle of action, is meant such a prevailing regard to the interests of society, that any practice which, if general, would be injurious, should be discredited by a common feeling of rectitude; that whatever regards the general welfare should have an interest in the bosom of every one, whether they can serve it actively or not; and that their efforts in the service of their fellow-creatures should be guided by an informed judgment, not the mere indulgence of a good-natured impulse. These demands do not seem very extravagant. They are little more than the constituents of a social and civilized being; yet the whole nation must be very differently educated, before such a spirit could be spread through society. Very few men are brought up in the belief they owe a debt to their fellow-citizens, or if they are, they confine it to political matters, in which the feeling is mingled up with personal ambition. Most people think they may live for themselves and their own immediate connexions, and indulge their own indolence, ignorance, and prejudice, to any extent they please, provided they observe towards others the negative rule of doing them no violence. The following observations on the state of society, will, I hope, illustrate in some degree the necessity of taking larger and more generous views of our social duties, and prove how effective the co-opera • JACKSON'S Letters from Barbary, tion of women might be, in the improvement of human condition. At present, that sex is more deficient in knowledge than in zeal or activity; for it cannot be generally reproached to Englishwomen that they are slow or reluctant, when aware that there is anything to be done. We are all too apt to make the legislature responsible for everything that is wrong. But the legislature itself emanates from the bosom of society. It will of necessity be infected with its spirit, and in a free country will never very long be much better or much worse than its source. Neither is it possible for any legislature to act effectively in matters, where no corresponding spirit exists in the community to co-operate with its intentions. A despotism, indeed, may now and then among its many monsters, throw up a man superior to his age; and if no Ravaillac cut him off, a long life may enable him, like Numa, to convert a fierce banditti into a peaceful and orderly community. But the numerous and fluctuating members that compose the legislature of a free state, are continually bringing into that body a fresh infusion of the general spirit. Perhaps one of the worst consequences of political heats is, that the interest of public measures forces the nation to confer honour and trust upon individuals, whom, except for their political utility, men of honour would have expelled from their intimacy. Few things tend more to deprave the moral sentiment of the nation. Respecting particular principles or measures, the opinions of the people may be right, and tending towards the cause of justice and morals; and yet on all other points, indifference to moral rectitude may be gathering strength, through the example and influence of every party alike, that enjoys popular favour. And as far as it does so, the effects of the best institutions will be more or less counteracted. Some great defect must exist in our habits, for there is a very unequal proportion between the means we possess and our progress in happiness. When we talk of countries as highly civilized, we should speak more accurately if we said they contained many highly civilized persons. When we look into the working of our social institutions, it is surprising to see how slightly civilization has penetrated. There are very great numbers whose ideas are not more unfolded than those of savages. The spectacle of vice and misery they present is so appalling, that we find it frequently made a question whether both be not on the increase. There are strong proofs that such is not the case in reality; but on the contrary, that relatively to the augmented population, crime and suffering are diminished. It is however sufficiently lamentable, that with the greatest wealth, the best religion, the greatest acquaintance with the arts of government and civilization, and the freest means of circulating knowledge, the advance of improvement should still be so slow as to perplex the judgment. To be sensible of our progress, we must look back and compare the past and the present; and we then discover, not that we are well, but that others What are the characters of civilization? were worse. |