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it were ordered by a Convocation. They insisted that this commission was contrary to law, and that the Cardinal, and all his agents, were enemies to the King and the commonwealth. "This infamy," says Hall, was spoken in preachings and every where." The Commissioners, however, were still sitting in March and April, and Wolsey was straining every nerve to cajole the Londoners, the Common Council, and the Mayor. At first he had the effrontery to say-" Forsooth, I think that half your substance were too little, not meaning that the King so asketh ;" yet after this he must crouch and flatter them, and finally come down in his demands. But the people were now exasperated, and so much so, that the proposal of collecting money from them by way of benevolence, suggested by the King himself, was alike in vain. The Aldermen and Council were in a fury-In Kent, the people muttered and grudged, and said that they would pay nothing-In Essex, they would not appear before the Commissioners except in their own way-In Huntingdon, various parties would not allow the Commissioners to sit at all— In Norfolk, its Duke remonstrated with the insurgents, desiring an explanation through their captain; when an elderly man begged permission to reply, and commenced his sensible address thus, "My Lord, our Captain is Poverty, he and his cousin Necessity have brought us to this doing."-In Suffolk, there was open insurrection! In short, "when this matter was opened in England," says the contemporary historian, "how the great men took it, was marvel; the poor cursed, the rich repugned, the light wits railed; but, in conclusion, all people cursed the Cardinal and his co-adherents, as subversors of the laws and liberty of England." At last the King interposed; he denied the knowledge of these severe levies. Wolsey tried to exonerate himself, but Henry blamed him for all this turmoil, and ordered the Commissioners to cease. "I will no more of this trouble," said his Majesty, "let letters be sent to all shires, that this matter may no more be spoken of. I will pardon all that have denied, secretly or openly." The nobility rejoiced, and the people shouted "God save the King," but would hear no praise of the lofty ecclesiastic. Thus did Henry most happily prevent " that disloyalty and danger, which, in the events that followed, might have overturned his throne."

To the art of war, with all its horrors and bloodshed, even as thus foully conducted, Wolsey had entertained no objection whatever. The enormous expense thus entailed upon his country, was to him of no account, so long as he could govern the hostile movements by his pen. But now, the art of printing had made him tremble; and, though a scholar himself, the rising republic of letters was to his eye no welcome vision. He must try and provide against all danger, as best he might; for he had penetration sufficient to discern, that his Cardinal's hat, nay, the hierarchy itself, and the authority of the Mass, were alike in jeopardy. Hence, without doubt, his intended College at Oxford. Amidst all the toil and

tortuous policy of these two busy years, he had never lost sight of it ; but to represent him, on this account, as the beneficent friend of learning, would discover a very superficial view of his character. Lord Herbert's belief as to Wolsey's intentions, was certainly the only correct one. The discovery of printing having contributed greatly to the revival of learning in Europe, Herbert supposes that Wolsey had stated the effects of this new art to the Pontiff, thus ;-"That his Holiness could not be ignorant what divers effects this new invention of printing had produced. For as it had brought in and restored books and learning, so together it had been the occasion of those sects and schisms, which daily appeared in the world, but chiefly in Germany. And that which particularly was most to be lamented, they had exhorted lay and ordinary men to read the Scriptures, and to pray in their vulgar tongue; and if this were suffered, besides all other dangers, the common people at last might come to believe that there was not so much use for the clergy. For if men were once persuaded that they could make their own way to heaven, and that prayers in their native and customary language might pierce heaven, as well as Latin, how much would the authority of the Mass fall? How prejudicial might this prove to all our ecclesiastical orders? For this purpose, since printing could not be put down, it were best to set up learning against learning; and by introducing able persons to dispute, to suspend the laity betwixt fear and controversies. This, at the worst, would yet make them attentive to their superiors and teachers."35

The original letter of Longland, already quoted, fully corroborates the whole of this statement; and besides we know that the Pontiff himself, formerly Bishop of Worcester, rejoiced exceedingly over this projected College. It was in perfect consonance with his taste, and he lent it, as we shall see, his most cordial and effectual aid.

In 1523, we left Henry VIII. and his Queen, Longland and Wolsey, rejoicing in the prospect of this school of learning, with all its subtile advantages. When the Cardinal had an end in view, he was not long in finding means, and then all steps were lawful in his estimation; nay, he had a method of his own, by which he could make them appear to be meritorious at the moment. Thus, in order to his immediate commencement of the projected buildings, he applied to Rome; "where," says Burnet," he was then so much considered as a Pope of another world, that whatever he desired he easily obtained." Therefore, on the 3d of April 1524, Clement, by a Bull, gave him authority to suppress the monastery of St. Frideswide at Oxford, and carry the monks elsewhere, to make room for the students. To this the King assented on the 19th of April.36 In the following year there came another Bull, giving him leave to enrich his College by suppressing twenty-two priories and nun

35 Herbert's Henry VIII., p. 147.

36 14 Reg., 2 Part. Rot. Pat.

neries; but the fact is, that Wolsey having once obtained the Pope's sanction, was resolved to proceed, as legate, of his own will, and he actually went on till he had dissolved forty-one. He was only restrained by an admonition from the King. In a letter to the Cardinal, written with his own hand, and still extant, Henry says:

"As touching the help of religious houses to the building of your College, I would it were more, so it be lawfully; for surely, there is great murmuring of it, throughout all the realm, both good and bad. They say, not that all that is illgotten, is bestowed upon the College; but that the College is the cloak for covering all mischiefs." After specifying one description of malversation, the King adds, “Wherefore, you thus monished by him who so entirely loveth you, I doubt not, will desist, not only from this, but from all other things which should tangle the same."

There is certainly some appearance here of the Royal confidence beginning to shake, but the King was pleased with his design on the whole, and Wolsey yet continued to have great influence over him. About two years must pass away before Henry used these remarkable words,-" The hand that made him, can destroy him when it lists."

So much with regard to the buildings to be erected, and which in the end, however, were never completed according to the magnificent scale laid down. But the men to be selected, the men with whom he was to commence his crusade of learning against learning, had already engaged Wolsey's most earnest solicitude, and all his discrimination; as it was through them alone he could gain his end. Educated in Magdalen College, Oxford, and where, at the early age of fifteen, Wolsey was admitted to the degree of bachelor of arts, no proofs are wanting of his reputation as a scholar. He was therefore well able to ascertain, who, among all that came before him, were most likely to serve his purpose. At least so has Shakespeare sung his praise.

"He was a scholar, and a ripe and good one;
Exceeding wise, fair spoken, and persuading;
Lofty and sour to them that loved him not,

But to those men that sought him, sweet as summer."

Wolsey commenced by naming the Dean, Dr. John Hygdon, and eighteen canons, men of reputed learning chosen out of the other colleges at Oxford. Aided by Hygdon and Dr. Capon, afterwards the head of his school at Ipswich, he added others deliberately. The most expert and learned were alone to be selected as students-the kingdom was searched, and in 1524, the Cardinal himself having paid a visit to Cambridge, that University had to yield up its most choice young men. He aimed, in short, at gathering the talent of England into one focus, intending to maintain or promote certain ecclesiastical purposes, which lay very near his heart,-for his "poor College at Oxford," found a place among the wailings of his last days.

By a comparison of Wood's Annals of the University of Oxford, with his Athenæ Oxoniensis, and Foxe's Acts and Monuments, we find the following names among those selected from 1523 to December 1525.

Of those selected in OXFORD, we can only specify Thomas Canner, Peter Garsius, a foreigner, John Tooker, Richard Champion, John Pierson, Leighton; and from BOSTON, Richard Taverner; but from CAMBRIDGE, Robert Sherton, Thomas Curthope, Richard Cox, John Clarke, John Fryer, Godfrey Harman, Henry Sumner, William Betts, JOHN FRYTH, William Baily, Goodman, Radley, Michael Drumm, and Thomas Lawney.37

If the eminence to which most of these students rose in future life be observed, it affords a convincing proof that the Cardinal had made no mistake as to talent; but it will be observed, that we have printed most of their names in italic; the reason is, that these men will appear again, and before long, all in one group; though in a character very different indeed, from that which was contemplated by the founder of Cardinal College.

As this brief survey of the political world is not unimportant in itself, so, in the result, it will appear to be not unconnected with the introduction of the Sacred Scriptures into our native land. It has shown that the character of their grand opponent, and who seemed to possess power quite sufficient to have excluded them, had sustained a severe shock abroad, which it never recovered. His perfidy had sunk him in the estimation not only of the Regent of the Low Countries, but in that of her subjects, from whence the English Scriptures were to be imported. At home, among a people exasperated, who now hated him, less regard would be paid to his thundering anathemas; and as for his favourite school of learning, of which he had intimated at Oxford, through Longland, while Tyndale was yet in London,-" that as he had begun, so he would found a College for two hundred Students, and seven Lecturers, and endow them with honest and comfortable salaries, and make their University the most glorious in the universe," we have yet to see whether it hindered or advanced the cause of divine truth, which Tyndale, all alone upon the Continent, had so much at heart.

37 It may be observed, that double the number of canons now named were Cambridge men. Fourteen were brought from Cambridge, Tyndale's last residence, to Oxford, where he had expounded Scripture to the students and fellows of Magdalen College; or the College where Wolsey himself had formerly studied, and where, as a Master, he had been teacher of Magdalen Grammar School; associating, at that time, with Erasmus.

SECTION III.

MEMORABLE INTRODUCTION OF THE NEW TESTAMENT INTO ENGLAND-THE TWO FIRST EDITIONS—THE FIRST ALARM IN LONDON, OXFORD, CAMBRIDGE -THE FIRST BURNING OF BOOKS-NEW TESTAMENT DENOUNCED BY THE KING AND WOLSEY THEN BY TUNSTAL AND WARHAM THE THIRD EDITION-VIOLENT CONTENTION RESPECTING IT-BURNING IT ABROAD AND AT HOME-BUT IN VAIN.

THAT interesting period when the Word of God, printed in our native tongue, was first found in England, had now arrived. It was in January 1526. On the banks of the Rhine, Tyndale had finished his New Testaments at the press, but how was it possible for them ever to be conveyed into our country? Had not Rincke and Cochlæus warned the Cardinal himself, the King, and the Bishop of Rochester, that they might "with the greatest diligence take care" lest one of them should come into any port in all England? They certainly had, and in good time, so that it is no fault of theirs, if all opposing parties were not now on the alert. Yet here are the dreaded books, and upon English ground, and not only in the metropolis, but in both universities, to say nothing, at this moment, of the country at large !

It is natural, however, first to enquire whether there were any circumstances, at the moment, favourable to their introduction. Of all other men, the two most able and most likely to have prevented their arrival, or immediately suppressed them, were Wolsey and Tunstal, the Bishop of London. But the former was now completely engrossed by affairs of state policy, both abroad and at home-abroad he was urging, nay, rousing the French Cabinet to renewed war with the Emperor; at home, he was concluding peace with Scotland, and also busily engaged in reforming his master's household, or framing what were called "the Statutes of Eltham." The Bishop of London was not in the country, having been happily removed out of the way eight months before; he was still ambassador in Spain, and not to return till August or September; so that his name never should have been associated, as it has generally been, with the first reception of Tyndale's New Testament. More than this, the winter was peculiarly unhealthy, and