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Bozzaris! with the storied brave

Greece nurtured in her glory's time,
Rest thee :-There is no prouder grave,
Even in her own proud clime.

We tell thy doom without a sigh:
For thou art Freedom's now, and Fame's;
One of the few, the immortal names,

That were not born to die.-Halleck.

Marco Bozzaris, the Epaminondas of Modern Greece, fell in a night attack upon the Turkish camp, at Laspi the site of the ancient Platea, August 20, 1823, and expired in the moment of victory. His last words were "to die for liberty is a pleasure, and not a pain." In reciting this piece, the voice should undergo such changes in pitch and quantity, as its sentiment requires.

SPEECH OF MR. BURKE, ON THE MOTION TO SEND THE LORD MAYOR OF LONDON AND ALDERMAN OLIVER TO THE TOWER, IN 1770.

1. Since I had the honor, I should say, the dishonor, of sitting in this house, I have been witness to many strange, many infamous transactions. What can be your intention in attacking all honor and virtue? Do you mean to bring all men to a level with yourselves, and to extirpate all honor and independence? Perhaps you imagine, a vote will settle the whole controversy. Alas! you are not aware, that the manner in which your vote is procured, is a secret

to no man.

2. Listen. For if you are not totally callous, if your consciences are not seared, I will speak daggers to your souls, and wake you to all the pangs of guilty recollection. I will follow you with whips and stings, through every maze of your unexampled turpitude, and plant thorns under the rose of ministerial approbation.

3. You have flagrantly violated justice, and the law of the land, and opened a door for anarchy and confusion. After assuming an arbitrary dominiou over law and justice, you issue orders, warrants, and proclamations, against every opponent; and send prisoners to your Bastile, all.

those who have the courage and virtue to defend the freedom of their country.

4. But it is in vain that you hope by fear and terror, to extinguish the native British fire. The more sacrificesthe more martyrs you make, the more numerous the sons of liberty will become. They will multiply like the hydra, and hurl vengence on your heads.

5. Let others act as they will; while I have a tongue or an arm, they shall be free. And that I may not be a witness of these monstrous porceedings, I will leave the house; nor do I doubt, but every independent, every honest man, every friend to England, will follow me. These walls are

unholy, baleful, deadly, while a prostitute majority holds the bolt of parliamentary power, and hurls its vengeance only upon the virtuous. To yourselves, therefore, I consign you. Enjoy your pandemonium.

At the close of Mr. Burke's speech, all the gentlemen in the opposition rose as one man, and left the house. Mr. Burke was a well informed friend of freedom. He was, moreover, one of the greatest and best men that England ever produced. This speech should be recited somewhat rapidly, on rather a high key, and with great energy.

MR. BURKE'S REMARKS TO THE ELECTORS OF BRISTOL, ON THE RIGHT OF INSTRUCTING REPRESEN TATIVES.

1. GENTLEMEN-My worthy colleague expresses himself, if I understand him rightly, in favor of a coercive authority of instructions from constituents. Certainly, it ought to be the happiness and glory of a representative, to live in the strictest union, the closest correspondence, and the most unreserved communication with his constituents.

2. Their wishes ought to have great weight with him; their opinion high respect; their business, unremitted attention. It is his duty to sacrifice his repose, his pleasures, his satisfactions, to theirs; and, above all, ever, and in all cases, to prefer their interests to his own. But his un. biassed opinion, his mature judgment, his enlightened con

science, he ought not to sacrifice to you, to any man, or to any set of men living.

3. These he does not derive from your pleasure: no, nor from the law or the constitution. They are a trust from Providence, for the abuse of which he is deeply answerable. Your representative owes you, not his industry only, but his judgment; and he betrays, instead of serving you, if he sacrifices it to your opinion.

4. The gentleman says, his will ought to be subservient to yours. If that be all, the thing is innocent. If government were a matter of will upon any side, yours, without question, ought to be superior. But government and legislation are matters of reason and judgment, and not of inclination; and what sort of reason is that, in which the determination precedes the discussion: in which one set of men deliberate, and another decide; and where those who form the conclusion, are, perhaps, three hundred miles distant from those who hear the arguments?

5. To deliver an opinion is the right of all men; that of constituents, is a weighty and respectable opinion, which a representative ought always to rejoice to hear, and which he ought always most seriously to consider. But authoritative instructions, mandates issued, which the member is bound blindly and implicitly to obey, to vote and to argue for, though contrary to the clearest conviction of his judgment and conscience; these are things utterly unknown to the laws of this land, and which arise from a fundamental mistake of the whole order and tenor of our constitution.

6. Parliament is not a congress of ambassadors from different and hostile interests; which interests each must maintain, as an agent and advocate, against other agents and advocates; but parliament is a deliberative assembly of one nation, with one interest, that of the whole, where not local purposes, not local prejudices, ought to guide, but the general good resulting from the general reason of the whole.

You choose a member indeed; but when you have cho. sen him, he is not a member of Bristol, but he is a mem. ber of parliament. If the local constituents should have

an interest, or should form a hasty opinion, evidently opposite to the real good of the rest of the community, the member for that place, ought to be as far as any other, from an endeavor to give it effect.

8. As for the trifling petulance which the rage of party stirs up in little minds, it has not made the slightest impression on me. The highest flight of such clamorous birds, is winged in an inferior region of the air.

Mr. Burke's observations on the right of constituents to instruct representatives, are worthy the attention of the American people. He presents the subject to the electors of Bristol, in its true light. It is very desirable, that the representative should reflect, as a mirror, the will of his constituents; and yet, he should not be the mere pen with which they write. Mr. Burke's speech should be read or recited in an animated manner, and on a middle key.

HAMLET'S SOLILOQUY ON DEATH.

1. To be, or not to be? that is the question :
Whether 'tis nobler in the mind to suffer
The stings and arrows of outrageous fortune ;
Or to take arms against a sea of troubles,

2.

And, by opposing, end them ?-To die ;-to sleep,-
No more ;-and, by a sleep, to say we end
The heart-ache, and the thousand natural shocks
That flesh is heir to,-'tis a consummation
Devoutly to be wish'd. To die ;-to sleep-
To sleep! perchance to dream;-ay, there's the rub;
For in that sleep of death what dreams may come,
When we have shuffled off this mortal coil,

Must give us pause.

There's the respect,

That makes calamity of so long life:

For who would bear the whips and scorns of time,
The oppressor's wrong, the proud man's contumely,
The pangs of despis'd love, the law's delay,

The insolence of office, and the spurns

3.

That patient merit of the unworthy takes,
When he himself might his quietus make
With a bare bodkin?

Who would fardels bear,
To groan and sweat under a weary life;
But that the dread of something after death,-
The undiscover'd country, from whose bourne
No traveller returns,-puzzles the will;
And makes us rather bear those ills we have,
Than fly to others that we know not of?

4. Thus conscience does make cowards of us all ;
And thus the native hue of resolution

Is sicklied o'er with the pale cast of thought;
And enterprises of great pith and moment,
With this regard, their currents turn away,
And lose the name of action.-Shakspeare.

Hamlet's Soliloquy is, as has been well observed, "one of the most difficult things to read in the English language." It requires nice discrimination, as well as great powers of elocution. It is one of Shakspeare's most admirable productions. It does not, however, teach us a useful moral lesson. Hamlet ought to have been deterred from selfdestruction, by considerations of duty to himself, his fellow-citizens, and his God. The doctrine of expediency, by which he was governed, is a doctrine not of Christ. It is practical atheism. I repeat then, that Hamlet ought to have been governed, not by expediency, but by principle-by Christian morality. The soliloquy can be read or recited well, only by those who both perfectly understand, and thoroughly feel, the sentiments which it contains. It should be commenced deliberately, on a middle key. The indignant feeling with which the prince enumerates particulars: "The oppressor's wrongs," &c., requires the voice gradually to rise on each. The concluding part of the soliloquy, requires quantity, and rather slow time.

SPEECH OF KING RICHARD III,

1. Give me another horse-bind up my wounds,—
Have mercy, Jesu !-Soft; I did but dream.
O coward conscience, how dost thou afflict me!—
The lights burn blue. It is now dead midnight.

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