Vietnamese and the Chinese Communists. The United States con. tinues to believe that a preliminary conference of the general type suggested by the Polish Government offers the best hope of dealing with the current problems on the diplomatic level.

40

The United States Government notes that, in its statement, the Soviet Government proposes the convening of an international conference on Laos in August. As the Soviet Government is undoubtedly aware, Prime Minister Souvanna Phouma, in a communique of May 24, 1964, addressed himself to a similar proposal. In his statement, the Prime Minister expressed a willingness to attend such a conference if, first, a cease-fire were effected in Laos under International Control Commission supervision and the Pathet Lao withdrew from those areas which it illegally occupied by virtue of its May attacks. The United States Government believes the position of the Prime Minister is justified and fully supports this position.

In sum, the United States Government remains of the view that the 1962 Geneva Agreements provide a sound basis for resolution of the Laotian question. What is needed above all is compliance with those Agreements by those who have thus far ignored their commitments. Nevertheless, the United States is prepared to attend a conference such as that proposed by the Soviet Government if Prime Minister Souvanna Phouma's preconditions are met and it is thus demonstrated that there is some reason to believe that such a conference may serve a useful purpose.

Document IX-99

The Need for an End to Aggression From the North in Laos: REPLIES MADE BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE (RUSK) TO QUESTIONS ASKED AT A NEWS CONFERENCE, SEPTEMBER 10, 1964 (EXCERPTS) 11

41

The principal negotiation that is before us is the talk in Paris among at least two of the three so-called factions in Laos. The tripartite talks have not yet started in Paris. Whether they will or not depends upon an exchange now going on between Prince Souvanna Phouma, the Prime Minister, and Prince Souphannouvong, the leader of the Pathet Lao.42 We think that these talks are of very considerable im

40 Not printed here.

41

42

Department of State Bulletin, Sept. 28, 1964, pp. 429-430.

Preliminary meetings began in Paris on Aug. 28 between leaders of the three factions in Laos-Communist, neutral, and right wing-to prepare for a formal conference. A formal meeting of the three Princes who headed the factions, Souphanouvong, Souvanna Phouma, and Boun Oum, did take place on Sept. 21, but no real agreement was achieved and the talks broke up.

At a news conference on Sept. 20 in Paris, Premier Souvanna Phouma was reported to have said: "The day that the International Control Commission, being at last able to fulfill its mission, reports to me that there are no more North Vietnamese troops in the Pathet Lao zone, I will tell the Americans 'You can go away." (See Keesing's Contemporary Archives, 1963-1964, vol. No. XIV, p. 20360.)

portance because they might give us some indication one way or the other as to whether the Pathet Lao, backed by Hanoi and Peiping, are now prepared to begin to work their way back to the 1962 accords on Laos, or whether Hanoi and Peiping are committed to a continuation of pressures and interventions in Southeast Asia.

Now, these talks themselves, looked at simply within themselves, may not be of overriding importance, but in terms of an ability to estimate the intentions of Hanoi and Peiping they are of very considerable importance, and so we are watching those very closely indeed. I would suppose that if there is no indication even in Laos, where there are agreements and flat commitments made as recently as 1962-if there are no indications that Hanoi and Peiping are prepared to leave their neighbors to the south alone, then we know pretty clearly that they have not yet come to that decision which they must ultimately reach to leave their neighbors alone, and we will have to go on from there.

And so we will just have to watch this situation and meet the problem of aggression from the North. If we could return to the 1962 accords on Laos, that would be an important step, but thus far we have had no clear indication that that is what is in the mind of the other side. There is no particular-there is no point, as I see it, in an alleged negotiation or an alleged conference which is doomed to failure before it meets, and something which would simply lead to the registration of violently opposed differences and adjourn leaving the situation even worse than it was before. So there needs to be some indication that a conference on Laos could be successful, and some indication that the North is prepared to leave their southern neighbors alone.

Prince Souvanna Phouma has indicated some conditions which seem to him to be necessary for a successful conference on Laos: a clear and full recognition that he is the Prime Minister of Laos, all of Laos, that the International Control Commission should be permitted to carry out the duties which it was assigned under the Geneva accords, and that the Pathet Lao pull back from the territory in the Plaine des Jarres that they took away from the neutralists in offensives back in— I think it was April [May] "-some indication, such as those, that the 1962 accords do in fact mean something to the other side. Because as far as we are concerned, we are prepared for complete and meticulous compliance with those accords, and it has been the failure of the other side to comply with those accords that has produced the problem in Laos and also flags their intention to continue pressures into the rest of Southeast Asia.45

43

45

'Text in American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1962, pp. 1075–1083. See ante, docs. IX-91, 92, 96.

Fighting between Pathet Lao and government forces continued throughout 1964, resulting in a general stalemate.

NEW ZEALAND

Document IX-100

United States Tribute to New Zealand as "a Staunch and Valued Ally": TOAST OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES (JOHNSON) TO THE PRIME MINISTER OF NEW ZEALAND (HOLYOAKE) AT A WHITE HOUSE LUNCHEON, JULY 20, 1964 46

THE PHILIPPINES

Document IX-101

"Talks. . . [on] Philippine-American Relations and Matters of International Significance to Both Countries": JOINT COMMUNIQUÉ ISSUED AT WASHINGTON BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES (JOHNSON) AND THE PRESDENT OF THE PHILIPPINES (MACAPAGAL), OCTOBER 6, 1964 47

The President of the United States and the President of the Philippines today concluded the fruitful discussions they have held over the past days. These talks dealt with Philippine-American relations and matters of international significance to both countries. They were the latest in the long history of exchanges between Presidents of the two countries and reflected the spirit of special friendship and cooperation which has existed between the Philippines and the United States over the years. The two Presidents expressed their confidence that the American and Philippine peoples would continue to benefit from this close association in the future.

The two Presidents exchanged views on the situation in Southeast Asia and pledged themselves to maintain the unity of commitment and purpose between their countries in defense of the right of the free nations of Southeast Asia to determine their own future.

President Johnson noted with deep appreciation the response by the Philippines to the requests of the Government of Viet-Nam for aid in its defense against communist subversion and aggression.48 The two Presidents agreed that it is of the utmost importance to free men throughout the world that communist force not be permitted to dictate their future. Noting the struggle of the people of South Viet-Nam against communist aggression and its implication for all free people,

Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Lyndon B. Johnson, 1963-64, vol. II, p. 871. Mr. Holyoake had attended the 13th meeting of the ANZUS Council in Washington, July 17-18 (see ante, docs, IX-4-5).

47 Department of State Bulletin, Nov. 2, 1964, pp. 632-634. President Macapagal paid a state visit to the United States, Oct. 3-15. During his stay in Washington, Oct. 5-6, he held discussions with President Johnson and other officials.

48 See post, docs. IX-104–145.

the two Presidents reaffirmed their intention to stand by the people of South Viet-Nam and reiterated their commitment to the defense of Southeast Asia under the SEATO Treaty. President Macapagal noted that prompt and decisive action by the United States in the Gulf of Tonkin had once again confirmed American readiness and determination to resist aggression in Southeast Asia to help assure its progress under freedom.50

President Johnson expressed his appreciation to President Macapagal for the latter's efforts to bring about a peaceful settlement of the dispute between Indonesia and Malaysia.51 Both Presidents agreed that it is vitally important that this dispute, which now threatens the peace and stability of the Southwest Pacific area, be resolved.

The two Presidents recognized that the aggressive intentions and activities of Communist China continue to present an imminent threat in the Far East and in Southeast Asia. They reviewed, in this connection, the importance of the Mutual Defense Treaty between the Philippines and the United States in maintaining the security of both countries, and reaffirmed their commitment to meet any threat that might arise against their security. President Johnson made it clear that, in accordance with these existing alliances and the deployment and dispositions thereunder, any armed attack against the Philippines would be regarded as an attack against United States forces stationed there and against the United States and would instantly be repelled. The United States and the Philippines agreed to study their mutual requirements for security, to review existing programs, and to consider changes needed to achieve increased capability and flexibility in the Philippine response to aggression and threats of aggression."

The two Presidents agreed that the relationship between their respective countries was a dynamic and flexible association with a history of past achievement and a heavy stake in a common future. In the spirit of this alliance, the two Presidents agreed that any matter of interest to either party related thereto should be the subject of friendly and frank discussion, and each President invited the views of the other in this regard.

The two Presidents likewise took cognizance of matters pertaining to Philippine veterans of World War II and agreed on the establishment of a joint commission to study this subject further.

President Macapagal reviewed the economic progress made by the Philippines in recent years. President Johnson commended the land reform program, initiated by President Macapagal this year, as holding out renewed hope to the Philippine people for the solution of the land tenure problems which, for decades, had beset a major sector of its economy. President Johnson noted past United States support for Philippine agrarian reform and expressed his hope that American as

Text in American Foreign Policy, 1950-1955: Basic Documents, vol. I, pp. 912-916.

50 See post, docs. IX-127-135.

See ante, doc. IX-64.

"Text in American Foreign Policy, 1950–1955: Basic Documents, vol. I, pp. 873-875.

sistance could continue in the future, particularly in the realization of the land reform objectives of the Philippines.

Both Presidents discussed the disposition of the Special Fund for education, provided for in the Philippine War Damage legislation. 53 They agreed to consider plans including the possible formation of a joint committee which would ensure use of this fund to further educational programs to the mutual advantage of the Philippines and the United States, among which educational programs pertaining to land reform would be eligible.

President Macapagal explained the goals of his Socio-Economic Program and its objective of alleviating the plight of the common man in the Philippines. President Johnson reiterated his belief that it was the responsibility of this generation everywhere to join the campaign against poverty and the ills associated with it and pledged American support for worthy projects contributing to the economic development of the Philippines. The two Presidents noted that one area of particular interest which could bring great benefit to the Philippine people was rural electrification. President Macapagal said that Philippine Government plans envisage the establishment of generating and distribution electric systems in 607 towns and 400 selected barrios. President Johnson observed that a team of American experts has arrived in the Philippines, and, working with private and public Philippine energy experts, would cooperate in developing plans for this nationwide system of expanding power generation and distribution with its special attention to rural areas.

The two Presidents looked to developments in the trade between their respective countries and in the world trading community that could assure expanding markets for the leading exports of the Philippines, including sugar, coconut products, abaca, lumber, minerals and others. The Philippines expressed their readiness and willingness to supply additional sugar to the American market.

In response to President Macapagal's report of the damage inflicted in the Philippines by recent typhoons, President Johnson indicated his Government's intention to donate 25,000 tons of grain available under the Food for Peace Program. In addition, he pledged United States. readiness to make available for purchase 100,000 tons of rice deliverable in 1965 to the Philippine Government under Public Law 480, Title I.54

President Johnson and President Macapagal agreed that representatives of the two governments would meet at a mutually agreeable date for negotiations leading to the solution of the current aviation problems.

The two Presidents noted the major contribution made by foreign private investment to the development and continued strength of their countries. President Johnson pointed out in this regard that United States economic relations with the Philippines would be seriously impaired if an enforcement of the Philippine Retail Trade National

53

Text in American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1963, pp. 830-831. "See post, doc. XI-32.