United Nations was never intended to be kept in such a box. The rights and duties of the General Assembly are inherent in the charter. The United Nations has been able to develop its capacity to act precisely because those rights were not blocked by the requirement of bigpower unanimity.

At the other extreme are those few who feel that nothing should matter except the number of votes that can be mustered-that what a majority wants done must be done regardless of what states make up the majority. This notion flies in the face of common sense. The plain fact of the matter is that the United Nations simply cannot take significant action without the support of the members who supply it with resources and have the capacity to act.

Some have suggested that all General Assembly votes should be weighed to reflect population, or wealth, or level of contributions, or some combination of these or other factors." I do not believe that so far-reaching an answer would be realistic or practical. The equal vote in the General Assembly for each member however unequal in size, wealth, experience, technology, or other criterion-is rooted in the idea of "sovereign equality." And that idea is not one which any nation, large or small, is eager to abandon.

I do not pretend to have the final answer, nor is it timely or appropriate for any member to formulate the answer without wide and careful consultations with others in the world community. However, extended discussions lie ahead on such questions as expanding the councils, scales of payment for peacekeeping, and procedures for authorizing peacekeeping operations."

I shall not discuss U.N. finances in detail tonight. But let me say that the first principle of a healthy organization is that all its members take part in its work and contribute their proper shares to its financial support. Two years ago more than half the U.N. members were behind in their dues some because of political objections but many simply because they were not paying. I am glad to see that most members are now beginning to act on the principle of collective financial responsibility. But there remains a serious problem of large nations that have not been willing to pay for peacekeeping operations. I would hope that the discussions which lie ahead will not only strengthen the financial underpinnings of the U.N. but, among other things, develop an acceptable way for the General Assembly to take account of capacity to act, of responsibility for the consequences, and of actual contributions to the work of the U.N. Such a way must be found if the United Nations machinery is to be relevant to the tasks that lie ahead-in peacekeeping, in nation building, and in the expansion of human rights.

All adjustment is difficult. Adaptation of the U.N. to recent changes in the environment may take time. It will require a shift away from some hardened ideas and some rigid patterns of action and reaction-perhaps on all sides. It will require to come back to Hammarskjold's words "perseverance and patience, a firm grip on 33 See ibid., pp. 56-57.

34 See post, docs. II-11 et seq.

realities, careful but imaginative planning, a clear awareness of the dangers... "35

To ask all this may seem to be asking a great deal. But I am inclined toward confidence because the U.N. already has demonstrated a capacity to adapt under the flexible provisions of the charter to the realities of international politics.

I am further persuaded that all, or most, of the smaller members are realistic enough to know:

--that their own national interests lie with, not against, an effective United Nations:

-that the U.N. can be effective only if it has the backing of those who have the means to make it effective;

-that the U.N. is made less, not more, effective by ritualistic passage of symbolic resolutions with no practical influence on the real world; that only responsible use of voting power is effective use of voting power;

that true progress on behalf of the world community lies along the path on which the weak and the strong find ways to walk together.

These are some of the reasons, derived from analysis of the current state of world affairs, why I expect the United Nations to evolve and to grow in executive capacity to act in support of its goals.

And apart from the issue of human survival, the greatest of these goals is, of course, the steady extension of human rights.

Dedication to the principle of the universality of fundamental human rights collides in practice with dedication to the principle of national sovereignty. For most violations of human rights are committed within the confines of national societies, often by the very governments that have ratified the charter's prescription for "fundamental freedoms for all." Yet securing equal rights for all individual members of the human race is the ultimate goal of world community—and the ultimate challenge to the United Nations as the elementary but principal expression of that community. Somehow the United Nations must learn how to increase respect for the rights of the human person throughout the world.

It is here that we sense the permanent value and the final force of the basic principles of a charter which dares to speak for "We the peoples of the United Nations." Sometimes I feel that we talk too much about the universality and brotherhood of man and too little about the valuable and interesting differences that distinguish all brothers. But the lessons of recorded history, and the teachings of the world's great teachers, make clear the basic wants of mankind.

Men and women everywhere want a decent standard of material welfare for themselves and their children. They want to live in conditions of personal security. They want social justice. They want to experience a sense of achievement, for themselves and for the groups with which they identify themselves.

35

The quotation was used in a portion of the address not printed here. Mr. Rusk indicated that Dag Hammarskjold employed it in reply to a newsman's query concerning his interest in mountain climbing.

But men and women everywhere want more. They want personal freedom and human dignity.

Individuals and societies place differing values on these aspirations. But surely these are universal desires, shared by all races in all lands, interpreted by all religions, and given concrete form-or lipservice_ by leaders and spokesmen for every kind of political, economic, and social system.

Peace and security, achievement and welfare, freedom and dignity— these are the goals of the United Nations for all peoples. And any nation which questions for long whether we should seek these aims is destined to become a pariah of the world community.

Because the kind of world projected in the charter is the kind of world we want, the United Nations-despite its quarrels and its shortcomings-commands our continuing support. As President Johnson said to the General Assembly on December 17: ". . . more than ever we support the United Nations as the best instrument yet devised to promote the peace of the world and to promote the well-being of mankind."36

And because the kind of world projected in the charter is the kind most people everywhere want, I believe that others will join with us in improving and strengthening the United Nations. That is why I am confident that the executive capacity of the United Nations-its machinery for keeping peace, building nations, and promoting human rights will be greater on its 25th birthday than on its 18th.

B. Review and Improvement of the United Nations Machinery

Document II-3

The Role and Future of the United Nations Organization: INTRODUCTION TO THE ANNUAL REPORT OF THE U.N. SECRETARY-GENERAL (THANT) ON THE WORK OF THE ORGANIZATION DURING THE PERIOD JUNE 16, 1963-JUNE 15, 1964, SUBMITTED NOVEMBER 18, 1964 1

I

The introduction to the annual report has been delayed considerably this year in view of the postponement of the General Assembly. I have taken advantage of the delay to bring the introduction up to date, although the annual report covers only the period up to 15 June 1964.

Since the last introduction, which was dated 20 August 1963, there has been some progress in disarmament, and also in our activities in the field of outer space. In the Congo, the military phase of the operations came to an end on

36 Text in American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1963, pp. 119–121. 1U.N. doc. A/5801/Add. 1.

2 See post, doc. II-21.

Text in American Foreign Policy: Current Documents. 1963, pp. 57-68.

30 June 1964. However, the technical assistance and civilian operations still continue."

The major peace-keeping operation undertaken by the Organization during the period under review has, of course, been in Cyprus. Recent developments encourage me to hope that our efforts may assist in bringing about a peaceful solution of the various problems of this troubled island.

The most important event of the year in the economic field was the convening of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. The interest generated by this historic conference overshadowed all other developments in the economic field. I may point in this connexion to the progress we have been making towards the merging of the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance and the Special Fund in a United Nations Development Programme.' I hope that the General Assembly will, before long, approve the establishment of this new unified programme.

During recent months the financial crisis of the United Nations has been one of my major preoccupations, and I have no doubt this is true of delegations also. My detailed comments on the financial crisis are to be found elsewhere in the introduction. All Member Governments seem to me to be agreed on the common objective of strengthening the effectiveness of the United Nations. If this objective is to be realized, I must reiterate that the financial solvency of the world Organization should be re-established on a firmer and more stable footing.

II

Questions relating to disarmament continue to command serious attention and to have high priority on the international agenda. Although the expectations of the eighteenth session of the General Assembly have not been realized, the fact remains that more significant progress in achieving some measure of disarmament has taken place since the summer of 1963 than in all the years since the founding of the United Nations.

The partial test ban treaty,' the establishment of the direct communications link between Moscow and Washington," the resolution of the General Assembly to ban nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction from outer space," the unilateral reductions of the military budgets of the Soviet Union and the United States, and the mutual cut-backs in production of fissionable material for military purposes by these two countries and the United Kingdom," are all indications that a start may finally have been made to grapple successfully with the many difficult problems involved in putting an end to the arms race.

These first steps demonstrate the importance of using simultaneously a variety of diplomatic instruments and techniques. They include direct discussions through diplomatic channels, deliberations in regional and other conferences, detailed negotiations in the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, and the annual review in the General Assembly which provides support and guidance to these discussions and negotiations. The utilization of all these channels and organs provides an opportunity for a thorough consideration of the many political and technical problems of disarmament, encourages the great Powers to bring to bear their major responsibilities on this field and enables the other countries, all of which are vitally interested, to make their contributions towards finding solutions.

This past year has also seen the development of a new institutional approach or procedure, which involves what may be called "reciprocal unilateral action" or the "policy of mutual example". This avenue of progress permits the Powers

8 See post, docs. II-11 et seq.

9

Text in American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1963, pp. 1032–1034. 10 See ibid., pp. 522–523.

"Text ibid., pp. 1082-1083.

See post, docs. X-17-19.

chiefly concerned to take new steps by independent or co-ordinated unilateral actions.

Despite these favourable developments, however, the year 1964 has not fulfilled the hopes generated by the partial test ban treaty and the general improvement in international relations in 1963. The resolutions on disarmament adopted at the eighteenth session either by acclamation or by overwhelming majorities have remained unimplemented in important respects.1

Although the Eighteen-Nation Committee met for more than six months in 1964 in a good atmosphere, with several new and interesting proposals emerging from the discussions, it failed to make any concrete substantive progress. Despite a detailed discussion of a long list of collateral measures and an intensive debate on general and complete disarmament, the Committee reported that it had thus far not been able to reach any specific agreement.

The treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in outer space and under water remains neither universal nor comprehensive. Although more than one hundred States have become parties to the treaty, some States are conspicuous by their absence from the list of signatories. No progress has been made towards an agreement to ban underground tests, nor do the negotiations give the impression of having been conducted with the sense of urgency called for by the General Assembly. If it is agreed that both national and international security depend not on technical developments from continued underground nuclear testing, but on political and military restraint and the progressive curtailment and reversal of the arms race, a comprehensive test ban would be a logical next step. In this connexion, the joint memorandum of the eight nonaligned members of the Eighteen-Nation Committee may point the way to a practical solution."

15

Another area where progress is most urgent is in the prevention of the spread of nuclear weapons. It is almost three years since the General Assembly unanimously adopted a resolution calling on both nuclear and non-nuclear States to enter into an international agreement to prevent the wider dissemination of nuclear weapons." The dangers of dissemination have markedly increased during this time, with one more country joining the "nuclear club", and the failure to implement the Assembly resolution gives cause for genuine and growing concern. I am hopeful that all States will give this problem their most careful attention. This is an area where each country may make a specific contribution.

16

One measure which seemed to hold out some promise of agreement is the destruction of bomber aircraft. This question was discussed for the first time by the Eighteen-Nation Committee during the current year and specific proposals were made by both the Soviet Union and the United States." Each of these Powers has also indicated that there is some flexibility in its position and that it wishes to continue negotiations on the subject. It is hardly necessary to underline the fact that if an agreement could be reached on any concrete measure of real disarmament, even if only modest to begin with, it would symbolize the intentions of the great Powers in the field of disarmament and would have most beneficial political, psychological and moral results.

18

The reduction and elimination of vehicles for the delivery of nuclear weapons continues to be the key issue of general and complete disarmament. The Eighteen-Nation Committee broke new ground by its concentrated effort to find an agreed basis for a working group to study the elimination of vehicles for the delivery of nuclear weapons." The Committee has for the first time come within reach of an agreement on a procedure to examine jointly the technical and strategic problems associated with this vitally important measure, and I feel certain that Members will wish to encourage the mutual accommodation necessary for agreement on such new exploratory machinery.

13 See American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1963, pp. 934-938. 10381040. 1059-1060, 1087-1092.

14 Post, doc. X-57.

15 Text in American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1961, p. 1190. 16 See post, doc. IX-46.

17 See post, docs. X-13-14 and 23-24.

18 See post, docs. X-4, 6-8, 12, 16, 25, 28-29.