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PREDICTIONS CONCERNING FOURTH OF JULY.*

JOHN ADAMS TO MRS. ADAMS.

Philadelphia, July 3, 1776.

Had a declaration of independence been made seven months ago, it would have been attended with many great and glorious effects. We might, before this hour, have formed alliance with foreign states. We should have mastered Quebec, and been in possession of Canada. You will, perhaps, wonder how such a declaration would have influenced our affairs in Canada; but, if I could write with freedom, I could easily convince you that it would, and explain to you the manner how. Many gentlemen in high stations, and of great influence, have been duped, by the ministerial bubble of commissioners, to treat; and in real, sincere expectation of this event, which they so fondly wished, they have been slow and languid in promoting measures for the reduction of that province. Others there are in the colonies, who really wished that our enterprise in Canada would be defeated; that the colonies might be brought into danger and distress between two fires, and be thus induced to submit. Others really wished to defeat the expedition to Canada, lest the conquest of it should elevate the minds of the people too much to hearken to those terms of reconcilation which they believed would be offered us. These jarring views, wishes, and designs, occasioned an opposition to many salutary measures which were proposed for the support of that expedition, and caused obstructions, embarrassments, and studied delays, which have finally lost us the province.

All these causes, however, in conjunction, would not have disappointed us, if it had not been for a misfortune which could not have been foreseen, and perhaps could not have been prevented-I mean the prevalence of the small-pox among our troops. This fatal pestilence completed our destruction.

It is a frown of Providence upon

us, which we ought to lay to heart. But, on the other hand, the delay of this declaration to this time has many great advantages attending it. The hopes of reconciliation which were fondly entertained by multitudes of honest and well meaning, though short-sighted and mistaken people, have been gradually, and at last totally, extinguished. Time has been given for the whole people maturely to consider the great question of independence, and to ripen their judgment, dissipate their fears, and allure their hopes, by discussing it in newspapers and pamphlets-by debating it in assemblies,

July 2, the vote was taken upon the question of independence, and nine of the colonies voted for the resolution.

conventions, committees of safety and inspection-in town and county meetings, as well as in private conversations' so that the whole people. in every colony, have now adopted it as their own act. This will cement the union, and avoid those heats, and perhaps convulsions, which might have been occasioned by such a declaration six months ago.

But the day is past. The second day of July, 1776, will be a memorable epocha in the history of America. I am apt to believe that it will be celebrated by succeeding generations, as the great Anniversary Festival. It ought to be commemorated, as the day of deliverance by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with pomp, shews, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires and illuminations, from one end of the continent to the other, from this time forward forever.

You may think me transported with enthusiasm; but I am not. I am well aware of the toil, and blood, and treasure, that it will cost us to maintain this declaration, and support and defend these states. Yet, through all the gloom, I can see the rays of light and glory; I can see that the end is more than worth all the means, and that posterity will triumph, although you and I may rue, which I hope we shall not.

PATRIOTISM A VIRTUE.

JONATHAN MASON.

Boston, March 5, 1780.

"Devotion to the public. Glorious flame!
Celestial ardor! in what unknown worlds

JOHN ADAMS.

Hast thou been blessing myriads since in Rome,
Old virtuous Rome, so many deathless names
From thee their lustre drew? since taught by thee
Their poverty put splendor to the blush,
Pain grew luxurious, and even death delight."
-Thomson, vol. I. p. 336.
"Unblest by virtue, government and league
Becomes a circling junto of the great

To rob by law

What are without it senates, save a face

Of consultation deep and reason free,

While the determin'd voice and heart are cold?

What boasted freedom, save a sounding name?
And what election, but a market vile
Of slavery self-barter'd ?"-Id. p. 3.

MY FRIENDS AND FELLOW CITIZENS-That the greatness and prosperity of a people depend upon the proportion of public spirit and the love of virtue which is found to exist among them, seems to be a maxim established by the universal consent, and I may say, experience of all ages.

Man is formed with a constitution wonderfully adapted for social converse and connection. Scarcely ushered into the world, but his wants teach him his inability, of himself, to provide for them. Wrapt in astonishment, with an anxiety inexpressible, the solitary existent looks around for the aid of some friendly neighbor, and should he perchance meet the desired object; should he find one, endowed with intellectual faculties, beset with the same wants and weaknesses, and in all respects the very image of himself; should he find him with a heart open to mutual kind offices, and a hand stretched out to bestow a proportion of his labor, with a bosom glowing with gratitude, his soul is on the wing to express the sense he entertains of the generous obligation.

A confidence is established between him and his benefactor, they swear perpetual friendship, and a compact for mutual protection and assistance becomes imperceptibly consented to. Thus doubly armed, together they pursue their morning route to satisfy those demands only which nature reminds them of, and while the ingenuity of the one is exercised to ensnare, the strength of the other is, perhaps, employed to subdue their vigorous opponent.

Their little family soon increases; and as their social ring becomes gradually enlarged, their obligations to each other are equally circular. Honest industry early teaches them, that a part only is sufficient to provide for the whole, and that a portion of their time may be spared to cull the conveniences as well as appease the wants of nature. Property and personal security appear to be among the first objects of their attention, and acknowledged merit receives the unanimous suffrage to preside guardian over the rights and privileges of their infant society. The advantages derived are in a moment experienced. Their little policy, erected upon the broad basis of equality, they know of no superiority but that which virtue and the love of the whole demands; and while, with cheerfulness, they entrust to his care a certain part of their natural rights, to secure the remainder, the agreement is mutual, and the obligation upon his part equally solemn and binding to resign them back either at the instance and request of their sovereign pleasure, or whensoever the end should be perverted for which he received them.

Integrity of heart, benevolence of disposition, the love of freedom and public spirit, are conspicuous excellencies in this select neighborhood. Lawless ambition is without a friend, and the insinuating professional pleas of tyrants, ever accompanied by the magnificence and splendor of luxury, are unheard of among them; but simple in their manners, and honest in their intentions, their regulations are but few and those expressive, and without the aid of extreme refinement, by a universal adherence to the spirit of their constitution, and to those glorious principles from which that spirit originated, we find them attaining real glory-we find them crowned with every blessing that

human nature hath ever known of-we find them in the possession of that summit of solid happiness that universal depravity will admit of.

Patriotism is essential to the preservation and well being of every free government. To love one's country has ever been esteemed honorable; and under the influence of this noble passion, every social virtue is cultivated, freedom prevails through the whole, and the public good is the object of every one's concern. A constitution, built upon such principles, and put in execution by men possessed with the love of virtue and their fellow-men, must always ensure happiness to its members The industry of the citizen will receive encouragement, and magnanimity, heroism and benevolence will be esteemed the admired qualifications of the age. Every, the least invasion on the public liberty, is considered as an infringement on that of the subject; and feeling himself roused at the appearance of oppression, with a divine enthusiasm, he flies to obey the summons of his country, and does she but request, with zeal he resigns the life of the individual for the preservation of the whole.

Without some portion of this generous principle, anarchy and confusion would immediately ensue, the jarring interests of individuals, regarding themselves only, and indifferent to the welfare of others, would still further heighten the distressing scene, and with the assistance of the selfish passions, it would end in the ruin and subversion of the state. But where patriotism is the leading principle, unanimity is conspicuous in public and private councils. The constitution receives for its stability the united efforts of every individual, and revered for its justice, admired for its principle, and formidable for its strength, its fame reaches to the skies.

Should we look into the history of the ancient republics, we shall find them a striking example of what I have asserted, and in no part of their progress to greatness, producing so many illustrious actions, and advancing so rapidly in the road to glory, as when actuated by public spirit and the love of their country. The Greeks in particular ever held such sentiments as these in the highest veneration, and with such sentiments as these alone they established their freedom, and finally conquered the innumerable armies of the east.

When Xerxes, the ambitious prince of Persia, vainly thinking that nature and the very elements were subject to his control, inflamed with the thoughts of conquest, threatening the seas, should they resist, with his displeasure, and the mountains, should they oppose his progress; when, after having collected the armies of the then known world under his banners, he entered the bowels of Greece, leading forth his millions, resolutely bent upon the destruction and extirpation of this small but free people, what do we perceive to be their conduct upon so alarming an occasion? do they tamely submit without a struggle? do they abandon the property, their liberties, and their country, to the

fury of these merciless invaders? do they meanly supplicate the favor, or intreat the humanity of this haughty prince? no! sensible of the justice of their cause, and that valor is oftentimes superior to numbers; undaunted by the appearance of this innumerable host, and fired with the glorious zeal, they, with one voice, resolve to establish their liberties, or perish in the attempt.

View them at the moment when the armies of their enemies, like an inundation, overspread their whole Grecian territory; when oppression seemed as though collecting its mighty force, and liberty lay fettered at the shrine of ambition, then shone forth the heavenly principle, then flamed the spirit of the patriot, and, laying aside all sentiments of jealousy, as though favored with the prophetic wisdom of heaven, with bravery unexampled, they charge their foe, and, fighting in defence of their country, success crowns virtuous attempt. With three hundred Lacedemonians, one only of whom was left to tell the fate of these intrepid men to their weeping country, they conquered the combined force of the whole eastern world.

The privileges and immunities of the states of Holland, after a contest of forty years, in which they withstood the exertions of their powerful neighbors, being established by the force of this single principle, which appears to prevail both in the senate and the field, might also be adduced in support of what I have advanced; but, my fellowcountrymen, we cannot want additional proofs; the living history of our own times, will carry conviction to the latest posterity, that no state, that no community, I may say that no family, nay, even that no individual, can possibly flourish and be happy without some portion of this sacred fire. It was this that raised America from being the haunt of the savage and the dwelling-place of the beast, to her present state of civilization and opulence: it was this that hath supported her under the severest trials: it was this that taught her sons to fight, to conquer, and to die, in support of freedom and its blessings; and what is it, but this ardent love of liberty, that has induced you, my fellow-citizens, to attend, on this solemn occasion, again to encourage the streams of sensibility, and to listen, with so much attention and candor, to one of the youngest of your fellow-citizens, whose youth and inability plead powerfully against him, while the annual tribute is paid to the memory of those departed citizens who fell the first sacrifices to arbitrary power. Check not such generous feelings. They are the fruits of virtue and humanity, and, while the obligations you remain under to those unhappy men lead you to shed the sympathetic tear, to dwell with pleasure upon their memories, and execrate the causes of their death, remember that you can never repay them. Ever bear it in your minds that, so implicit was the confidence you willingly placed in that country that owed to you her affection, that, notwithstanding the introduction of that inhuman weapon of tyrants into the very heart of your peaceful villages, you still would fain rely

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