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Sincerely yours, Irvington Varnish & Insulator Co., Irvington 11, N. J. Joseph Pickett, manager, employee relations department."

66* * * I not only believe that the antidiscrimination law has been fairly and effectively administered by the department of education, but it has been done in such a diplomatic way the majority of the people are not conscious that it is being operated. John Lucas & Co., Inc., Gibbsboro, N. J. A. W. Smyth, personnel manager."

The following are letters received from the State of Connecticut concerning the Fair Employment Practices in that State:

THE ALLEN MANUFACTURING CO.,
Hartford, Conn., January 13, 1949.

Mr. FRANK T. SIMPSON,

Executive Secretary, State Inter-Racial Commission,

State Office Building, Hartford, Conn.

DEAR MR. SIMPSON: As far as I have had knowledge of and contact with it, I have been much impressed with the operation of the State Inter-Racial Commission under the Fair Employment Practices Act.

Since the 18 months that the act has been in effect, I believe the Commission has accomplished more in the way of equalizing the employment opportunities for all groups and in promoting understanding between different groups than any other agency, public or private, serving this area of human relations.

Perhaps even more significant than the actual results has been the Commission's approach to a critical social problem charged with controversy and ignorance. It has proceeded quietly and effectively, keeping its big stick in the closet, and stressing voluntary compliance. It has forcefully applied the techniques of education, relying on the natural common sense of Connecticut citizens, whether they be employers or workers. Its personnel has been carefully chosen and trained to reflect this democratic spirit of administration.

It is obvious that the biggest obstacle in securing fair-employment practices throughout the State is getting minority workers past the employment office door. Once this is done, on the basis of proper qualifications for the particular job openings, it is up to these workers to make their own place on the work team. In our employment experience we have found that, given adequate ability and a friendly, willing personality, minority workers have no trouble in being fully accepted by their coworkers and in earning promotions to higherpaying jobs.

Yours sincerely,

ELLSWORTH S. GRANT,
Vice President of Industrial Relations.

Mr. FRANK T. SIMPSON,

HAT CORPORATION OF AMERICA, South Norwalk, Conn., January 31, 1949.

Executive Secretary, State Inter-Racial Commission,

State Office Building, Hartford Conn.

DEAR MR. SIMPSON: Since the enactment of the Fair Employment Practice Act for the State of Connecticut, I have found that this law has in no way interfered with our employment practices.

Upon its passage, local personnel groups here in Norwalk obtained a speaker from the State Inter-Racial Commission so that we would all be cognizant of the the law and how it was to be interpreted.

I think that many firms thought that it would interfere with the operation of its policy covering hiring and promotions but we received such a clear interpretation of the act that we saw nothing in it that would present any difficulties.

This act created no problems but on the other hand has assisted in equalizing employment opportunities for all.

I think that the fair employment practice law has helped both union and management as it has clear-cut definitions that cannot be misinterpreted.

Very truly yours,

W. P. MORIN, Personnel Director.

jetter ċ being di

ry to eas F. HENRY,

PITNEY-BOWES, INC.,

Stamford, Conn., January 28, 1949:

visor, Fair Employment Division, lose states of Connecticut Inter-Racial Commission, Mrs. I State Office Building, Hartford, Conn.

DET. PR. HENRY: I am very happy to reply to your letter of January 26 in which Pask for a statement of our opinion with reference to the fair employment praice controls operating in Connecticut.

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We started our Negro integration program at Pitney-Bowes before the enactment of the Connecticut Fair Employment Practices Act. Many of the problems which we encountered, however, would have been much less difficult had we had the support of such legislation and the expert assistance of the Inter-Racial Commission's personnel.

One of the most valuable services of the many being rendered by the commission, in my opinion, is the educational campaign which it conducts. In the long run, it is this campaign which will bring the greatest and most lasting results; but I am afraid that, by itself, and without the backing of legislation, the educational work would be impotent.

Mr. Hosch's letter requested statements from speeches, etc., which you might quote. The following is taken from a talk I gave before the annual convention of the National Urban League in Richmond, Va., on September 7, 1948. The title of the talk was "The Negro's Stake in the Future of American Industry." "Inclusion of the civil rights issue as a part of our two major political party platforms has been a recent dramatic illustration (of the progress made in removing the inconsistency between our democratic principles and the discrimination practiced against Negroes and other minority groups in the United States). Less sensational, but just as significant, has been the adoption of antidiscrimination laws by a number of States, and the contemplated adoption of such legislation in still other States.

“Besides being the initial step in guaranteeing fair employment opportunities for Negroes, the enactment of these laws within our representative State governments is in itself an indication of public readiness to accept the laws. My home State of Connecticut, small in size but mighty in industrial importance, adopted its own Fair Employment practices Practice Act in May 1947, and it is functioning very successfully.

"There are of course a number of well-meaning people who oppose legislation to abolish discrimination in employment, most of them through the feeling that legislation is not the real answer to a problem which can best be solved by education. Naturally, legislation cannot itself destroy race prejudice, but it can and should be the framework upon which the building of free economic opportunity for Negros can be started, The educational side of the picture is the ultimate answer, but—as all of you must know very well from experience—the process is a slow and often painful one which needs the assurance of support that only legislation can give it. The purpose of such laws, and all laws, for that matter, is to protect rather than to punish. With proper administration and with cooperation from industry, I think these laws are a very important step in the right direction. If they did nothing else, they would at least be helpful to those employers who would prefer to treat the Negro fairly, but who would lack the courage to do so without the excuse which the laws furnish."

Sincerely yours,

J. J. MORROW, Personnel Manager.

Mr. POWELL. One thing you have pointed out is the effect that FEPC had on employers, because there were rumors that employers would simply desert the State, and that sort of thing, if FEPC laws were passed. I can remember when the vice president of the New York Telephone Co., before Governor Lehman's commission in 1938, said that the telephone company employed no Negroes, very few Jews, and very few Catholics. Of course, I asked, "Whom did they employ in New York?" But through various forms of persuasion and FEPC legislation, today all that is done away with in the telephone company of New York City. In New York City now we have over 700 Negro men and women working in white collar positions. And just last week

at a conference of the personnel department of the telep the record of Negro workers in the telephone compa high efficiency rating that they are now going to make Ir. chief operator in New York City.

Now, that is what has happened in this type of le period of just 10 years.

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Mrs. DOUGLAS. The letters and statements of chairmyou FEP Commissions bear out what you say, Mr. Chairmanet

State

Mr. POWELL. Mr. Perkins, do you have any questions to ask? Mr. PERKINS. The General Assembly of California-have they ever had this question of FEPC before it for study or have they ever enacted any law?

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Mrs. DOUGLAS. No; we have not in California. In 1946, California by referendum defeated a State FEPC law. But it was not a fair contest. An analysis of this situation can be found at pages 497 and 501 of the hearings on S. 984, the first session of the Eightieth Congress.

The opposition, parading under the title, "Committee for Tolerance"-it is always very interesting when those who oppose tolerance use a label that implies the spirit of tolerance

Mr. PERKINS. Without mentioning any names?

Mrs. DOUGLAS. The committee, guided by such people as the Rev. James W. Fifield of "Spiritual Mobilization" fame, engaged in a deliberate campaign of misrepresentation throughout the State to the effect that the bill denied a right to fair trial, that no court review was possible, and so forth.

Billboards costing thousands upon thousands of dollars-I can get copies of them for the committee if they are interested-billboards were planted from one end of the State to another, "Don't vote for Communist FEPC." And they had the gall to put them in the Negro districts.

Now, you see, we who are supporting FEPC did not have this kind of money. We had to tell our story by word of mouth. And we could not get around fast enough to contradict the lies that were put out about FEPC. A great number of people in California never knew what FEPC was. I felt the opposition twisted the FEPC measure before the voters into a bogus issue. The voters of California never really voted on the issue at all.

Californians in many ways have been quite progressive in their attitude toward minority groups. Through community organizations we have made efforts to try to eliminate tensions.

In California, because of the war, our Negro population has doubled, both in the north and in the south. The impact of minority groups has been felt over the years, the Filipinos, the Chinese, the Japanese. I am always amused when the southerners act as if they were the only ones whom civil-rights legislation will affect. We have plenty of problems in California.

I wish southerners would realize civil rights is not a problem confined only to the South.

Mr. PERKINS. Without mentioning any specific examples, it is apparent to you that discrimination does exist in California?

Mrs. DOUGLAS. Oh, yes; certainly.

Mr. PERKINS. And it is your sincere belief, I judge from your statement, that this FEPC legislation is necessary in order to promote a

better democracy in this country, in order that the people who are being discriminated against will have an incentive to go forward and try to educate themselves and become better citizens; am I correct in those statements?

Mrs. DOUGLAS. You are completely correct.

Mr. PERKINS. That is all.

Mr. POWELL. Mr. Burke?

Mr. BURKE. As you know, I come from a heavily industrialized district, and I have had a great deal of close personal experience with this matter of discrimination, particularly in employment. As much as we have been able to do on a private level from the standpoint of eliminating discrimination, we find that we need legislation of this type to back us up. For instance, I would like to show why it sometimes takes years to accomplish a job that has to be accomplished.

When the unions first went into mass production, we found some people who, because of either their race or their national origin, particularly those two instances, were confined to the most menial of jobs in the plants. The unions had first to establish a seniority system for the prime purpose of job security, and it was years before they were able to get a second benefit, to use the seniority system as an upgrading system. And it was only after we were able to get that that we were able to upgrade these people from the most menial jobs to the best jobs.

I agree wholeheartedly with the gentlewoman's statement that voluntary means, although they may be good in themselves, just are not sufficient. They need backing up.

Now, in my own State, the State legislature at the present time is considering this type of legislation. The house has passed a compulsory FEPC. The senate has passed a voluntary FEPC, and it is now in conference committee, and I cannot predict how it will come out. But you cited Ohio, and that is my State, and that is the condition we are in now. So we need this type of legislation.

Mr. POWELL. Mr. Brehm?

Mr. BREHM. Mr. Chairman, I believe I have no questions. I do want to congratulate the lady, though. I think she made a splendid statement. I intend to check with the Ohio State Employment Service concerning your statement regarding "whites only." I am particularly anxious to find out whether those are unions, or closed shops, to find out where the responsibility for such writings can be assigned. I want to know those things.

Mrs. DOUGLAS. I see.

Mr. BREHM. I do not know whether I can frame this question or not. But at the top of page 3, you refer to the Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co. I have worked for the Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co. I have worked for Firestone, also, and Goodrich, and in the steel mills of the United States, quite a lot, in my time. That has been years ago. And at every one of those places, I had to fill out a questionnaire identical with the questionnaire which is now required. I was asked where I was born, where my father was born, my religion; I was asked those questions. Well, I was asked the same thing when I took out life insurance and in the Army and in the Navy.

In other words, all my life every place that I have ever gone, I have had those questions asked of me. My question is, does the lady think that as far back as that which has been, I am sure, over 30 years ago,

even then that was being done with the idea of discrimination in view? And just now, as of this recent date, has this come to the front as the reason for motivating this legislation? I am wondering if it could be. Mrs. DOUGLAS. I think that is a good question, a very good question. May I answer the first part first?

Mr. BREHM. Yes.

Mrs. DOUGLAS. The Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co. have answered for themselves. If the application blank which they put out over the years was in no sense meant to be discriminatory, why did they themselves print at the head of their new forms, "This form not to be issued in the States of Connecticut, Massachusetts, New York, and New Jersey"? I think that answers your question, Mr. Brehm. Had that questionnaire not been drafted so as to eliminate certain applicants because of religion, color, or national origin the Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co. would have gone ahead and issued the usual forms in those States which had FEPC laws. Their conscience would have been clear. Obviously, their conscience was not clear.

You asked, have such questionnaires been used for the purpose of discrimination through the years. I think we must get back again to the concentration of economic power in this country to see why we must now do something.. We must do something on two counts. I think we have had discrimination, to answer you, in the past but the economic situation has not been as acute as it is now. Gradually down through the years, the economy of the country has fallen more and more into fewer and fewer hands.

For instance, a young man today leaving college-what is his future? I talked to some people the other day. They said to me, "Where are the thousands and thousands of young people going to find jobs when they get out of college?"

They are certainly not going to start their own businesses. Yet I can remember back when my brothers graduated from Williams in 1920, and then from engineering school at Columbia in 1923 or 1924. They were very young. They went into their father's business. And all our friends went into their fathers' businesses. But not many young men in that same class have any opportunity of owning their own businesses today. Now corporations, giant corporations, and as the testimony before the Small Business Committee shows, the Big Three, the Big Four, the Big Six, control what? Not just 50 percent of their industry, as the 113 giant manufacturing companies control manufacturing; but 50 percent, 60 percent, 70 percent, 80 percent, yes, and sometimes even 90 percent. Get those hearings and read them. It is the most revealing testimony that has been presented in this Congress. So if a few people control the lives of millions of people and practice discriminatory practices, what happens to the standard of living of those people? The Government must step in. It seems to me that we must view this problem as an immediate and acute one, because of the economic conditions involved.

Then there is the secondary factor. I believe that there are two great movements in the world today, one, the conflict between communism and democracy, and the other the forward march of the nonself-governing peoples of this world. I believe that we will win the first, the conflict between democracy and communism, if we understand and give leadership to the second conflict in the world.

Mr. BREHM. I agree; yes.

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