We consider that the legislation now being considered by this subcommittee is essential to protect and extend the civil rights and liberties of Negroes and every minority group, and we accordingly endorse it and urge Congress to enact it. Article III of the constitution of the Steelworkers, dealing with eligibility for membership, states in section 1 that— All workingmen and workingwomen, regardless of race, creed, color, or nationality employed in the industries within the union's jurisdiction are eligible for membership. Incidentally, the same article also provides, in section 4, that no member shall be eligible to hold any office in the international union or a local union who actively participates in the activities of the Communist Party or any Fascist, totalitarian, or other subversive organization which opposes the democratic principles to which our Nation and our Union are dedicated. The lifelong devotion of Mr. Philip Murray, the president of both the CIO and the United Steelworkers to the advancement of the interests of all workers, without regard to their race, creed, or color, is well known. I will venture to say that the CIO, under Mr. Murray's leadership, has done as much to advance both the economic and the political rights of Negroes as has any other organization in the history of this country. The CIO and the United Steel workers will continue, in the future as in the past, to organize and represent all workers on a basis of absolute equality, and without regard to race, creed or color. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Mr. POWELL. Are there any questions, Mr. Burke? Mr. BURKE. In the light of the charges and the very serious allegations that were made last week, I really believe that you have given an effective rebuttal to Mr. Robinson's statements. Mr. POWELL. The fact he is not here is very obvious also. Mr. McDONALD. I hate, Mr. Chairman, having to be in the position of having to rebut the testimony of Mr. Robinson. You know we have a clause in the oath of the Steelworkers Union when a man takes an oath he raises his right hand to Almighty God and says if he does not perform his duty he stamps himself as a man devoid of character and destitute of honor. That is the way I feel about the gentleman who came up here and made the awful representations against the Steelworkers. I wish you would have the opportunity to read the record of the gentleman who made these remarks. He went to an employer and got $5,000 from an employer while he was president of the union. The committee of the board members of his own union said, "We say to you, you have committed an unpardonable offense. Face your responsibility. Do what you would demand if any other international officer did that. Resign. Otherwise you must bear full responsibility for dissension and disruption which will weaken our union." And after that the CIO refused to reelect him as a vice-president. They said the man is devoid of character and destitute of honor. Mr. POWELL. What you read came from the official minutes? Mr. McDONALD. These are from the official minutes of the meeting. I simply summarized it. It is 3 pages. Mr. POWELL. From the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers? Mr. McDONALD. From the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers official minutes. I am informed now that he tried to get $5,000 from an employer and the employer turned him down and the executive committee official minutes state that President Robinson has discussed rumors which were current which he felt would be detrimental to the organization and these rumors reflected Mr. Robinson accepted a personal loan from Mr. Pack. Mr. Robinson said he did seek a loan from Mr. Pack but it was an error in judgment. I would like to know what the Steelworkers would think of David J. McDonald if he went to the president of the United States Steel Corp. to obtain a loan. They would characterize him as a sell-out artist and that is what I would be. I would say it would be a man devoid of character and destitute of honor. We stand on our record and our record is as I have read it to you here this afternoon. Mr. BURKE. I knew something about this case because it happened in my home town. Mr. POWELL. You mean the Robinson case? Mr. BURKE. Yes. Mr. POWELL. Do you have any more questions? Mr. BURKE. No, sir. Mr. POWELL. Then the committee stands adjourned until 10 o'clock tomorrow morning. (Whereupon, at 4:30 p. m., the subcommittee adjourned to 10 a. m., Thursday, May 26, 1949.) FEDERAL FAIR EMPLOYMENT PRACTICE ACT THURSDAY, MAY 26, 1949 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, SPECIAL SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE Washington, D. C. The subcommittee met, pursuant to adjournment, at 10 a. m., Hon. Adam C. Powell, Jr. (chairman), presiding. Mr. POWELL. The committee will please come to order. I should like to mention here, in connection with the question of the constitutionality of fair-employment-practice legislation which I discussed yesterday with Congressman Hays, that this matter is covered in detail in Senate Report No. 951, Eightieth Congress, second session, on pages 15 to 19. Our first witness this morning is Rev. Samuel McCrea Cavert, general secretary, Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America. TESTIMONY OF REV. SAMUEL MCCREA CAVERT, GENERAL SECRETARY, FEDERAL COUNCIL OF THE CHURCHES OF CHRIST IN AMERICA Reverend CAVERT. Mr. Chairman, my name is Samuel McCrea Cavert. I am general secretary of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America. I appear in behalf of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ. in America, a federation of 27 national denominations with a membership of 28,000,000. The churches of the Federal Council have a keen interest in the welfare of minority groups in our population and for this reason are concerned with justice for them in our economic life. The right of every citizen to support himself and his family by his work is so fundamental that any discrimination on account of race, creed, color, or national origin is a matter of moral and spiritual significance. I shall not enter into any discussion of the administrative provisions of the bill which you are considering; they are beyond my competence and are not within the area of the primary responsibilities of the churches. I limit my testimony to the basic moral principles which the bill is designed to apply. The position of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America on this subject is set forth in a statement adopted by its executive committee on March 21, 1944, as follows: Discrimination in employment because of race, creed, or national origin is one of the great moral issues before our Nation today. The right of the worker to be employed and paid solely on the basis of his character and ability is so clear, just, and Christian that it should be protected by law. This right should be safeguarded by appropriate legislative and administrative provisions: Be it therefore Resolved, That the Federal Council of Churches urge our Government to establish permanent procedures for securing objectives which have been sought by the Committee on Fair Employment Practices. On the basis of this resolution, the executive committee of the council, on May 17, 1949, authorized me to testify at this hearing. In accordance with our procedure which permits any denomination to dissociate itself from any position of the council which it may not be in accord, I make record of the fact that the Presbyterian Church in the United States (Southern) is not included in this presentation. The general position expressed in the council's resolution, which I have quoted, has been strongly supported for several years by many of the major denominations meeting separately in their official national gatherings. As typical I submit the following: The General Conference of the Methodist Church, in its quadrennial meeting in Kansas City, Mo., in May 1944, said : We stand for * * * equal opportunity in employment, upgrading, and conditions of work, in exercise of the full rights of citizenship; in access to professional and business careers, in housing, in transportation, and in educational facilities. We endorse the principles underlying the Fair Employment Practice Committee and urge all agencies involved in the administration of the act to improve that administration. The Presbyterian Church in the United States of America, in its general assembly in May 1944 went on record as follows: That the general assembly commend the essential purpose of the President's Fair Employment Practice Committee as being in keeping with Christian principles, and favors its receiving legislative sanction rather than remaining in its present status as an Executive order. The Northern Baptist Convention in its annual session in Atlantic City, N. J., on May 23, 1947, recorded its judgment in the following terms: Whereas discrimination in employment because of race, creed, or national origin is one of the great moral issues before our Nation today, and Whereas the right of a worker to be employed and paid solely on the basis of his character and ability is so clear, just, and Christian that it should be protected by appropriate legislation; and Whereas this has clearly been recognized in legislation passed recently in New York, New Jersey, Massachusetts, and Connecticut: Therefore be it Resolved, That the Northern Baptist convention urge the enactment of legislation designed to secure these objectives by other State legislatures and their serious consideration by the Congress of the United States. The General Council of the Congregational Christian Churches, at is biennial meeting in Grinnell, Iowa, June 18-25, 1946, declared: Discrimination in employment because of race, creed, or national origin is one of the great moral issues before the Nation today. It threatens the basic economic rights of many individuals. We recognize that the immediate postwar period has brought with it increasing tension between racial and religious groups in our country, and that reduction in employment will tend to work a special hardship on Negro and other minority groups. We therefore reaffirm our support of legislation constituting permanent fair employment practices commissions for States and Nation, such as will afford all citizens, regardless of race, creed, color, or national origin, equal opportunity to useful, adequately remunerative employment. The General Synod of the Evangelical and Reformed Church, in session in York, Pa., in 1944, took the same position. Similar views have been expressed by four great Negro denominations-the Na tional Baptist Convention, Inc., the African Methodist Episcopal Church, the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church, and the Colored Methodist Church. These many declarations of many different bodies during the last 5 years make it clear that there is an awakening moral concern over the question of economic justice for minority peoples in our national life. After having asked Negroes and other minority groups, equally with white, to fight and die for democracy, we cannot, in good conscience, be indifferent to any denial of democratic rights to them at home. One of the most elementary of these rights is the right to equal opportunity to earn their daily bread. Moreover, the good name of America in the eyes of the world is at stake. If we fail to put our house in order with respect to full economic justice for those whom it is all too easy to discriminate against, we shall play directly into the hands of the Communist attack upon our way of life. The great defense of democracy is always a moral and spiritual defense. Let us strengthen that defense by setting up the necessary safeguards against discrimination in our industrial and economic life. Mr. POWELL. Thank you, Reverend Cavert. I have one question. The Presbyterian Church in the United States, Southern, is the only denominational group in the federal council that has dissociated itself in the endorsement of fair-employment practices? Reverend CAVERT. That is correct. Mr. POWELL. But other denominations which cover the South, such as the Methodist churches and general synods of other churches, they did endorse it? Reverend CAVERT. They did, insofar as they are within the membership of the federal council. I have to add there is one great southern body, the Southern Baptists, which is not a member of the council and, therefore, they are not involved in my testimony. Mr. FoWELL. What other large denomination outside of the Southern Baptists in the South are not included in the Federal Council of Churches? Reverend CAVERT. I think there are no others. Mr. POWELL. The Federal Council of Churches represents about how many persons? Reverend CAVERT. Between 28 and 29 million. Mr. POWELL. And you, as a minister, feel that that is a moral issue? Reverend CAVERT. I feel so, very strongly. At least, it is the moral aspect with which my testimony is concerned, and the council is concerned. Mr. POWELL. Reverend Cavert, thank you so much for coming. Mr. POWELL. Our next witness is on the way from the Department of Labor, and the committee will stand adjourned for the next 5 minutes until he comes. (A short recess was taken.) Mr. FoWELL. The committee will come to order. Our next witness of the morning is the Secretary of Labor, Hon. Maurice J. Tobin. |