In the home offices of the major screen companies, located in New York, it is estimated that less than 30 out of 3,000 office workers are Negroes.

The private social agencies throughout the country also practice discrimination in their employment policies. Here, too, Negroes are employed in the greatest numbers as maintenance help. The overwhelming majority of Negro professional workers must depend upon those agencies which service an all-Negro clientele for positions.

Recently, however, the Social Service Employees Union, local 19, UOPWA, succeeded in breaking through this barrier. Negro case workers are now employed at United Service for New Americans. In addition, this local has received commitments from other agencies to hire Negroes in professional categories as soon as there are vacancies.

In the banking institutions the presence of a Negro worker in other than a menial capacity is a rare sight. Through the efforts of the Financial Employees Guild, UOPWA, a wedge has been made and Negro clerks now hold jobs for the first time with the Royal Industrial Bank, Merchants Bank of New York, and the Amalgamated Bank of New York.

In the direct-mail industry, Negro typists, inserters, and folders are employed in relatively large numbers, but they are denied job opportunities in the most skilled occupations. Despite the fact that through the UOPWA wage increases have been won which have doubled average weekly earnings during the past 7 years, this industry is a source of constant concern to the union.

In New York City, letter-shop workers are paid on a piecework basis with no guaranteed minimum hourly or weekly salary. In recent years, the wage standards of the direct-mail industry has been greatly undermined by the mushrooming of homework. According to a survey recently released by Commissioner Corsi, of New York, the ratio of homework typists to letter-shop typists has risen to 7 to 1, the former group receiving rates of pay considerably below that of the latter. High labor turn-over and part-time employment of the regular employees of these firms are now very common. These unsatisfactory working conditions are not only detrimental to Negro workers; they are a threat to the working standards of all office employees, wherever they work.

The insurance companies are another very important segment of the national economy guilty of discriminatory employment practices. These giant combines operate under State charters as "public servants," collecting millions of dollars from Negro and white policyholders. Yet there are no Negro agents on the sales force of the "big three," Metropolitan Life Insurance Co., Prudential Insurance Co. of America, and John Hancock Mutual Life Insurance Co., not even to service Negro debits. (We are not able to ascertain accurate information on the other insurance companies, but in all likelihood, their record is the same.) Only very recently did Metropolitan Life Insurance Co. employ a token number of Negro office workers in its home office in New York City.

That public attention is focused on the prevalence of these undemocratic policies by insurance companies was evidenced in the introduction last January in the New York State Assembly of a bill to prohibit discrimination in employment of "any person in any capacity on account of the race, color, or creed of such person" by insurance companies.

SALARY DIFFERENTIALS

The predominance of Negro workers among the unskilled job classifications cannot be passed off with the contention that they are not qualified to hold whitecollar jobs. Unquestionably Negroes are denied both access to professional training and opportunity to acquire experience in many fields. But despite the many barriers erected legally and tacitly, thousands of young Negroes graduate yearly from high schools and colleges. Where educational and training opportunities exist and the Negro has obtained knowledge and skills, he has generally not been equally compensated. This fact was recorded in the report of the President's Committee on Civil Rights which revealed the following:

10

10 To Secure These Rights, report of President's Committee on Civil Rights, 1947.

This wide differential in earnings obtained among urban workers as well as among the rural nonfarm, as shown below:

11

One of the most common arguments advanced by white-collar employers in opposition to employment of Negro employees is that white-collar personnel usually have a vis-à-vis relationship with the public, many of whom have prejudices and would resent the presence of or service from a Negro worker. Therefore, the rationale continues, the white-collar personnel must conform with this country's socially acceptable patterns and traditions.

However, it has been demonstrated in offices and department stores, which have seriously accepted the challenge, particularly in New York and other large cities, that after the first few days of "surprise" at seeing Negro whitecollar workers, the general public, with few exceptions, accepts the fact of a Negro worker on the same basis as any other worker. Such has been the experience of the United Office and Professional Workers in those instances where through the understanding and strength of its membership it has succeeded in breaking through lily-white employment practices either in introducing Negro workers on the job for the first time or in securing their upgrading. This pattern of integration must be extended throughout America.

NEGRO WORKERS ARE SPECIAL VICTIMS OF UNEMPLOYMENT

It is especially urgent that action be taken at this session of Congress to outlaw job discrimination. As a matter of record, unemployment is rising at a dangerous rate. The loss of jobs among Negro workers is disproportionately high.

During 1946 and 1947, years of high level economic activity, Negroes experienced a constantly higher rate of unemployment than did white workers.12 Last year, according to the Bureau of Census, whereas 3.2 percent of all white workers were without jobs, the percentage of jobless Negroes was 5.2 13 percent.

14

Two years ago, in New York City, 13 percent of Negro workers were unemployed. Only 8 percent of white workers had lost their jobs. Today, in New York City it is estimated that one-quarter of all persons receiving public-welfare assistance are Negroes, although they constitute only 6 percent of New York City's total population.15

In the State of Illinois, Negro claimants of unemployment compensation amout to 25 percent of the total, yet Negroes are only 10 percent of the labor force.16 At the present time in California, the percentage of Negro workers receiving unemployment insurance is almost four times their percentage of the California population. Approximately 40 percent of adult Negro workers in San Francisco and 30 percent in Los Angeles are without work."

The duration of unemployment among Negroes is also higher than that of white workers. In Illinois, 64 percent of Negro males were looking for jobs for 5 weeks or more as compared with 55 percent of white males. Negro women were also jobless for a longer period than white women.'

18

It should be noted the figures quoted above are based on the records of the divisions of unemployment compensation. These statistics do not measure unemployment among such large groups of workers as domestic servants and farm workers, one-half of the Negro working force.

11 Population-Special Reports, series P. 46, No. 5, Bureau of the Census.

12 Monthly Labor Review, U. S. Department of Labor, December 1947.

13 Current Population Reports, Bureau of the Census.

14 Special Tabulations, White and Negroes, New York City, 1947 and 1940, Bureau of the Census.

15 United Public Workers of America, CIO.

16 Illinois Labor Bulletin, Illinois State Department of Labor, January 1949.

17 Research series, Bulletin 28, Department of Employment, State of California.

18 Illinois Labor Bulletin, Illinois State Department of Labor, January 1949.

As the job market tightens, the difficulty Negroes experience in finding work becomes more acute. A national fair employment practice law which outlaws the barrier of race will improve immeasurably the chances of Negro men and women to obtain work in accordance with their ability. Such a law will help to remove the unfair disproportionate burden of economic duress which discrimination has heaped upon the Negro worker forcing him to resort to charity and public assistance to maintain himself. It will enable 14,000,000 citizens to im prove their standards of living so that they, too, may have access to decent housing, adequate food, good health, and all other such conditions available to white America.

All American workers have a stake in this legislation. The enlightened tradeunion movement has long recognized that the color bar is an instrument to check and weaken the unity of workers in their struggle for better working conditions and higher living standards. The fullest measure of security for each worker and his family cannot be realized so long as any segment of the Nation's labor force is relegated to poor jobs and low pay. To protect and extend trade-union gains, equality of job opportunity must be achieved.

Enactment of H. R. 4453 will be a major step in making full citizenship available to the Negro people by giving substance to our principle of freedom and equality. Passage of this bill, without weakening amendments, will inspire faith and hope that the United States has the courage to meet a crucial test of its democratic leadership.

Mr. POWELL. We have the Honorable Edward H. Foley, Jr., Under Secretary of the Treasury, and Mr. Alvin W. Hall, Director of the Bureau of Engraving and Printing; Mr. James Hard of the Treasury Department, and Mr. L. C. Lawhorn of the Civil Service Commission. If the gentlemen will kindly come forward. I want to thank you for coming again, and we appreciate it.

Mr. LAWHORN. The chairman of our board, Mr. Moffett is here. Mr. POWELL. We are very glad to have him with us. We are happy to welcome you, Mr. Moffett.

TESTIMONY OF HON. EDWARD H. FOLEY, JR., UNDER SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY; ALVIN W. HALL, DIRECTOR, BUREAU OF ENGRAVING AND PRINTING; JAMES HARD, TREASURY DEPARTMENT; AND L. C. DODD, EXAMINING DIVISION OF THE CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION, ACCOMPANIED BY GUY MOFFETT AND L. C. LAWHORN

Mr. POWELL. I would like to make this as informal as possible, and I have compiled some data since I saw you last, concerning the Bureau, and if it is agreeable with you I will go into this data now, and you may continue with the letter which I sent to Mr. Foley through the mails.

Mr. FOLEY. Mr. Chairman, I have your letter with which you enclosed certain questions which you asked Mr. Hall, the Director of the Bureau of Engraving and Printing, and he will address himself on that this afternoon.

I have turned the questions over to Mr. Hall and he has prepared the answers to the questions and we are prepared to go ahead and testify in respect to the matters you addressed to us.

Mr. POWELL. All right.

Mr. HALL. The first question was: "What positions in the Bureau may be filled without reference to civil-service lists?"

The answer is: None, except in the event the Civil Service Commission is without a register of eligibles, at which time temporary appointments are authorized pending the establishment of a register.

Question No. 2: "Since there are 6,000 employees in the Bureau, of whom over 3,000 are Negroes, how is it that the apprentice training program, consisting of about 1,000 workers who are being trained for higher rating positions, includes only one or two Negroes? Furthermore, why do the several hundred supervisors only include one or two Negroes?"

The answer is: It was testified at the hearing before the subcommittee on Thursday, May 19, that there were approximately 1,000 employees in apprenticable trades, not 1,000 employees in an apprentice training program, as the question implies. In other words, the 1,000 employees referred to have already served an apprenticeship and were appointed in the Bureau either from the civil-service registers or by the transfer of employees who have a civil-service status from other departments.

There are at the present time 26 Negroes in supervisory positions. A list of their names is attached.

Mr. POWELL. Could I have those now, please?

(The list referred to is as follows:)

Negro employees occupying supervisory positions in the Bureau of Engraving and Printing, May 23, 1949

Mr. HALL. I have some more questions and answers.
Mr. POWELL. All right.

Mr. HALL. The third question is: "After you left the hearing room on Thursday, the subcommittee heard testimony which stated that only a few of the bureau's 3,000 Negroes hold clerical positions, although many of them passed the only required civil-service examination to get their lower-rating jobs, and are eligible for promotion. What is the explanation for this?"

The answer is: There are at the present time 14 Negro employees holding clerical positions.

90748-49- -32

Some few years ago, C. M. workers recruited through the Civil Service Commission had to suffer a demotion in earnings to transfer to a clerical position for the reason that the C. M. workers were paid for overtime work, whereas clerks, although working overtime, received no extra compensation.

During the period of the war, Negro women who were recruited for positions in the C. M. service were offered assignments to CAF-2 clerical positions, and only two accepted. Later both asked to be assigned to the C. M. service. One was not released by the division head owing to the need for her services and is still in a clerical position. Appointments are now made on the basis of applications received from C. M. workers.

The turn-over in the clerical force is very low, and in recent months the only appointments made were to typist positions. The Bureau held noncompetitive examinations, and all the Negro employees who qualified (four) have already been appointed to typist positions. Mr. POWELL. Is there a difference between a supervisor and a foreman?

Mr. HALL. The title of supervisor would apply in general to a foreman as well as any person directing other employees.

Mr. POWELL. About how many people are employed as head messengers and foremen, leadwomen, supervisors and leadmen? Mr. HALL. Their names are on the back.

Mr. POWELL. I mean the total. I mean the entire total, irrespective of race. Irrespective of race, how many employees are in the Bureau as head messengers and foremen, leadwomen, supervisors or leadmen?

Mr. HALL. Oh, I would say approximately 600, perhaps more.

Mr. POWELL. You have a supervisor for ink mixers; so there is a title called "supervisor"?

Mr. HALL. That is correct, sir.

Mr. POWELL. And you say, "leadwomen, leadman, foreman, and head messenger are the same as supervisor"?

Mr. HALL. The same duties are assigned to them, directing the work of others.

Mr. POWELL. The class called supervisor, is that the only class to which a worker can bring a complaint?

Mr. HALL. Oh, no. A complaint can be brought to a foreman or anyone in a supervisory position.

Mr. POWELL. These people are chosen on the basis of seniority and ability and training?

Mr. HALL. Not necessarily. Seniority is only a factor when all other qualifications are identical.

Mr. POWELL. What are the factors?

Mr. HALL. Their ability

Mr. POWELL. I accept that. Seniority, ability, and training.

Mr. HALL. Those are the factors that enter into it. Seniority is not the sole factor entering into it.

Mr. POWELL. Out of the 3,000 Negroes, there are 26 supervisors, and the balance, roughly, are what?

Mr. HALL. There are only 210 supervisors in the whole Bureau. People holding supervisory positions include assistant heads of positions, foremen, supervisors of ink mixers, and so forth.