American in 1949 is entitled to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, without discrimination. You cannot pursue happiness unless you can get a job, and if you are blocked from equal job opportunity because of race, creed, or color, you are being denied the fundamental principles of Americanism.

The Congress of Industrial Organizations takes in all workers, regardless of race, creed, or color. They have the same membership status-there is no second-class membership in our organization. However, since the major segments of American industries and unions are organized and operated on a national basis, our efforts in this field must be supplemented by legislation on a national basis.

In the States and cities that do not have to conform to minimum standards in this area, our basic problem arises at the hiring gate. Inside our unions, we have done what we think is a very fine job—not perfect; we are continually working to improve it but we have done a fairly good job in giving people inside the factories, once they are employed, opportunity for promotion based on fitness, ability, and seniority, rather than on race, creed, or color. We have established this principle fairly well; our great difficulty remains in convincing the company to agree to apply the principle of nondiscrimination at the hiring gate.

In the great majority of instances, the union has no control over hiring procedures; it is only after an employee is hired by the company that he comes under our jurisdiction, and not until then do we have anything to say about his status in the plant. Only by the passage of this bill will machinery be provided by which discrimination at the factory hiring gate can be dealt with effectively and fairly.

I would like to call the attention of this committee specifically to the fact that in the cities and States where this legislation has been operating, and likewise during the war when the Nation operated under the fair-employment-practice policy promulgated by President Roosevelt through Executive order, not one iota of evidence has been introduced to show that anyone was hurt in the slightest-physically, mentally, or morally-by being asked to work in the common cause of our country side by side with his fellow citizens of the other races, colors, or creeds.

In conclusion, I would like to state that it is our fundamental conviction that only by guaranteeing access to employment on equal terms for all Americans can we take the most important step toward releasing the majority as well as the minority from the burden of poverty, disease, crime, and unused talents which present the high cost of discrimination. The lifting of this burden can mean opening the way for full participation, at their highest skills, in the national production effort by the one-tenth to one-third of our people now denied this right.

Higher levels of employment and wages mean greater purchasing power, greater demand for the products of our factories and farms, and the increasing of chances to keep America at work and at peace. Fair employment is an essential component of any full-employment program which seeks to reach the goal of security and abundance without sacrifice of domestic basic freedoms.

Our convictions arise primarily from our devotion to the democratic principles on which this country and the CIO were founded. These

convictions have been buttressed by my practical experience as an officer of the Congress of Industrial Organizations.

In addition to my responsibilities as secretary-treasurer of the CIO, I have had the privilege of serving as chairman of the CIO committee to abolish discrimination since its inception. In addition, I was honored to serve as a member of the President's Committee on Civil Rights, whose findings President Truman has wholeheartedly endorsed and were subsequently ratified by the Democratic convention, meeting in Philadelphia in July 1948. This bill now before your committee seeks to put into effect an important recommendation of that report.

I am convinced that only by extending the frontiers of human and civil rights in America can we build the type of firm cornerstone for world peace that we all desire. In the words of the report of the President's committee—

The United States is not so strong, the final triumph of the democratic ideal is not so inevitable, that we can ignore what the world thinks of us or our record. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Mr. POWELL. You have Resolution 8 attached. Do you wish that included in the record?

Mr. TOWNSEND. I do, sir. This was adopted at the 1948 convention. Mr. POWELL. Without objection, it will be incorporated in the record.

(The resolution is as follows:)

RESOLUTION No. 8-CIVIL RIGHTS AND PROTECTION OF DEMOCRACY

The relationship among the various racial and ethnic groups which make up our Nation is a vital matter of national and, indeed, international concern. This fact has been recognized by the United States in the several treaties entered into upon the conclusion of the first and second World Wars, treaties which contain provisions requiring the signatories not to discriminate against their racial minorities.

The Charter of the United Nations has been accepted by the people of America and ratified by the Senate of the United States and signed by the President. Under the provisions of this Charter, the United States solemnly undertook the responsibility, with other signatories, to promote freedom for all without distinction as to race, language, or religion. These same ideals and principles are inherent throughout the Declaration of Independence and Constitution of the United States. Time and again this has been enunciated as the public policy of the United States.

The Congress of Industrial Organizations was founded upon this self-same principle of freedom, equality, and equal opportunity for all Americans. In August 1942 the CIO Committee to Abolish Discrimination was established to implement this principle. The CIO's record of accomplishment in this area has been far in advance of any other group in the United States. In our southern organizing drive we are daily striking telling blows for freedom and against discrimination throughout the South.

Although freedom from fear is more fully realized in America than in any other country, there are still groups in our population who are not equally free from fear. Organized groups have fanned hatred and intolerance and have struck fear into the hearts of men and women because of their racial origin or relation and political beliefs. Due process of law is denied because of race, color, creed, or political beliefs. Equal opportunity is denied because of race, color, creed, or national origin. Equal access to places of public accommodation is denied because of race, color, or creed.

The workers of our Nation are among the chief victims of this drive against our basic liberties. The Taft-Hartley Act has marked an intensification of this movement against freedom. The legislative attack upon the basic rights of labor has been accompanied as well by an attack from the courts. During the past year scores of injunctions have been issued by courts restraining the constitutional rights of free American workers.

The growing hysteria which has blinded many to our American traditions of democracy has taken many forms. The attack upon the rights of labor has been accompanied by a persecution of labor leaders. Reintroducing the pattern of repression of the 1920's, deportation proceedings have been commenced against labor leaders who are not citizens and who have resided here for many years. Labor leaders have been held for deportation solely on the ground of their alleged political beliefs and denied bail. Control over immigration has been arbitrarily used to bar Canadian union leaders and convention delegates from entering this country. Dangerous inroads on a free labor movement have been made by the Atomic Energy Commission.

The infamous Thomas-Rankin House Un-American Activities Committee has demonstrated its complete disregard for the constitutional rights of minorities with whose ideas it disagrees. As in the past it continues to slander minority groups in our society and engage in witch hunts in order to stir up hysteria, to use its authority for antilabor purposes, and, as in the past, it continues to function as a kangaroo court denying 'to accused persons the right to be informed of the charges against them or the opportnity to answer such charges. This committee, with its long record of repression and antilabor bias, sponsored the Mundit-Nixon bill. This bill, with its dangerous threat to freedom of speech and freedom of association and its provisions which could readily be turned against labor organizations, failed to become law after it was denounced by large groups of freedom-loving Americans.

Preservation of civil liberties is the highest duty of every government, whether it be Federal, State, or local. Wherever the law-enforcement measures and the authority of Government are unused or inadequate to discharge this pri mary function of government, this authority must be strengthened.

Recognizing these facts, President Truman created the President's Committee on Civil Rights on December 5, 1946, with the specific responsibility of prepar ing for him a report outlining more effective means and procedures for the protection of the civil rights of the people of the United States. The CIO was represented on this committee by Secretary-Treasurer James B. Carey.

The finding of this committee, in the form of the report, To Secure These Rights, will rank in our history as a charter for human dignity and freedom. With courage and devotion to the principles contained in this report, President Truman requested the regular and special session of the Eightieth Congress to translate this report into legislative reality.

The CIO unreservedly supports President Truman's civil rights program. We are determined to secure the adoption of these recommendations on the Federal and State level. We feel that the enactment of this program will enable America in actual practice to show the world that we intend to close the gap between our stated ideals and our day-to-day practices. In addition, we feel that segregated community patterns, wherever they exist, should be challenged and eliminated, in order to prevent the dead hand of the past from controlling the behavior of succeeding generations: Now, therefore, be it

Resolved, That the tenth constitutional convention of the CIO hereby pledges itself to continue the struggle to achieve the full, equal enjoyment of all the rights guaranteed in the Constitution of the United States, regardless of race, color, creed, or national origin.

We demand:

1. The passage of Federal and local fair-employment practice acts.

2. The abolition of segregation in the armed forces.

3. The enactment of a Federal antilynching bill.

4. The passage of Federal and State legislation outlawing poll taxes and other restrictions on the right to vote.

5. The passage of measures to ban segregation in interstate travel.

6. The enactment of safeguards against racial discrimination in Federal appropriations for State aid.

7. The enactment of civil-rights laws in all States which now do not have such laws eliminating segregation.

8. The abolition of the Thomas-Rankin Committee.

9. The enactment of laws protecting aliens long resident in the United States and regularizing their status.

10. The establishment of guaranties to protect the freedom of thought and the freedom of political views of Government workers and the revocation of Executive Order 9835.

Mr. TOWNSEND. May I, in addition, Mr. Chairman, add as a part of our material a resolution passed by our executive board yesterday that deals with the matter of the racial situation in certain sections of the South.

Mr. POWELL. I think you had better read this. You do not have any other copies of it?

Mr. TOWNSEND. Yes; I have.

Mr. POWELL. Do you have any objection to reading this?
Mr. TOWNSEND. No; I do not.

Mr. POWELL. I think you had better read it.

Mr. TOWNSEND. The reason I am putting this in, Mr. Chairman, is because I loathe the idea of bringing to a body such as this the interorganizational quarrels that go on within our family.

Mr. POWELL. I do not want to interrupt, but I would like to say this: These hearings are set up to investigate all aspects of discrimination in employment, and, as such, we will go into all such matters, but when these hearings depart or tend to depart from that specific purpose the chairman would rule out of order, whoever the witness may be.

It so happened that yesterday in the course of a presentation made by a group of iron-ore miners from Bessemer, Ala., charges were made, and they were not specific. I have gone over the testimony carefully, and it was not definite at all that due to the policies of a union— which they did not mention-Negro workers in this plant were being discriminated against in hiring, and the ratio, they said, was about 100 whites to 1 Negro. On the basis of that charge, I think it is apropos that you read this. I have not seen it, but I imagine it is in answer to that.

Mr. TOWNSEND. Yes; we feel, Mr. Chairman, inasmuch as there has been an indictment made against a constituent member of Congress of Industrial Organizations and because we had no opportunity to express our views we would like to point out, this matter was brought before our national executive board by the same group. Mr. Murray appointed me some weeks ago to go in the area and make a study of it, and others made a study of the situation, and it was brought before the executive board, and the union who sponsored the matter was. brought before the committee.

Mr. POWELL. Will you kindly read it?

Mr. TOWNSEND (reading):

RESOLUTION CENSURING INTERNATIONAL UNION OF MINE, MILL, AND SMELTER

WORKERS

Whereas (1) the constitution of the Congress of Industrial Organizations, unanimously adopted, declares that the CIO opposes "all those who would violate American emphasis of respect for human dignity, all those who would use power to exploit the people in the interest of alien loyalties"; and

(2) The CIO constitution further states that "racial persecution, intolerance, selfishness, and greed have no place in the human family"; and

(3) The International Union of Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers, disregarding its duties as an affiliate of the CIO, has been carrying on a campaign of vilification, calumny, slander against, and disloyalty to, Philip Murray, president of the CIO, against the CIO itself, and against the United Steelworkers of America, CIO, of which Mr. Murray is also president; and

(4) This unspeakable campaign follows vicious actions of the International Union of Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers in the Red Mountain section near Bessemer, Ala., in which that union deliberately and with malice aforethought

attempted by every tactic possible to split the white and Negro workers, using the Communist weapon of fear, intolerance, racial hatred, threats, and other methods which have no place in the decent ranks of trade-unionism; and

(5) The International Union of Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers attempted to blow a minor incident, involving two men, into a major international episode and use that incident to spread false accusations against Mr. Murray, the USA, and the CIO, when the union knew full well that one of its officers had brought on the incident, during which he was struck, by insulting the integrity and manhood of a rank and file iron ore worker who serves as an unpaid local president and who is not on the pay roll of CIO, USA, or of the union: Now, therefore, be it

Resolved:

(1) That the executive board of the CIO, assembled in the city of Washington, D. C., on the 17th day of May 1949, hereby strongly condemns the actions of the International Union of Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers and censures its officers and employees who have attempted to besmirch the name of Philip Murray, of the CIO, and of the USA; and

(2) That the executive board denounces the use of racial prejudice, threats, and intimidation by the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers in the Bessemer area; and

(3) That the executive board assures the white and Negro ore workers of the Bessemer area that the activities of the International Union of Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers in that region are not those of real CIO people and pledges the full support of CIO in bringing decent wages and working conditions to all workers, regardless of race, creed, color, or national origin; and

(4) That the executive board of the CIO votes fullest backing to the officers and locals of the Bessemer Range in their efforts to achieve their demands. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Mr. POWELL. Will you answer this question:

You say this is an interorganizational fight, but has there been any discrimination in the hiring of Negroes by virtue of the activity of these two groups of labor?

Mr. TOWNSEND. Mr. Chairman, I could find none. I visitedMr. POWELL. You personally visited?

Mr. TOWNSEND. I spent some 5 days there, in Bessemer and Birmingham. We are not responsible for the activities of the employer, but, so far as the union is concerned, I can assure you there was nothing on the part of the CIO people to deny working opportunities to Negroes.

Mr. POWELL. Is it true whites are being hired there at a ratio of 100 to 1?

Mr. TOWNSEND. That is a misstatement of fact. That is ridiculous, and is another one of those inflated stories.

Mr. POWELL. What is the percentage of Negro workers and white workers in the Bessemer plant?

Mr. TOWNSEND. I have no way of knowing, because I only counted the election votes. There is something over 4,000, I think. I had no way of telling.

Mr. POWELL. They were secret ballots?

Mr. TOWNSEND. Secret ballots; yes.

Mr. POWELL. And you had no way of telling the basic membership?

Mr. TOWNSEND. No.

Mr. POWELL. Did it look like it was 50-50?

Mr. TOWNSEND. No; there were more Negroes with the mine, mill, and smelter workers, but I might point out there was intimidation. The new local that was set up elected to its vice presidency a Negro. I talked with this Negro and asked him why he did not attend the