СНАР. CHAPTER IV. THE ADJUSTMENT OF REPRESENTATION. On the morning of the third of July, the grand committee accepted as a basis for a compromise' the 1787. proposal of Franklin,' that in the first branch of the 3. first congress there should be one member for every 5. forty thousand inhabitants, counting all the free and three fifths of the rest; that in the second branch each state should have an equal vote; and that, in return for this concession to the small states, the first branch should be invested with the sole power of originating taxes and appropriations. The settlement of the rule of representation for new states was considered, but was left to the convention. "The committee have exceeded their powers," cried Wilson, when Gerry, on the fifth, delivered the report to the convention. Madison encouraged the large states to oppose it steadfastly. Butler denounced the plan as unjust. Gouverneur Morris, delighting to startle by his cynicism, condemned alike its form and substance,' adding: "State attach 1 Yates in Elliot, i. 478. "Martin in Elliot, i. 358. 8 Gilpin, 1025; Elliot, 274. Gilpin, 1028; Elliot, 275. IV. July ments and state importance have been the bane of CHAP. the country. We cannot annihilate the serpents, but we may perhaps take out their teeth.' Suppose 1787. the larger states agree, the smaller states must come 5. in. Jersey would follow the opinions of New York and Pennsylvania. If persuasion does not unite the small states with the others, the sword will. The strongest party will make the weaker traitors, and hang them. The larger states are the most powerful; they must decide." Ellsworth enforced the necessity of compromise, and saw none more convenient or reasonable than that proposed by the committee.' "We are neither the same nation, nor different nations," said Gerry; "we therefore ought not to pur sue the one or the other of these ideas too closely. Without a compromise a secession will take place, and the result no man can foresee." "There must be some accommodation on this point," said Mason, "or we shall make little further progress in the work. It cannot be more inconvenient to any gentleman to remain absent from his private affairs than it is for me; but I will bury my bones in this city rather than expose my country to the consequences of a dissolution of the convention without anything being done." 5 A throng of questions on representation thrust themselves into the foreground. Gouverneur Morris objected to the rule of numbers alone in the distribution of representatives. "Not liberty," said he; "property is the main object of society. The savage 'Gilpin, 1032; Elliot, 277. 2 Paterson MSS. Gilpin, 1032; Elliot, 278. 3 Gilpin, 1032; Elliot, 278. IV. CHAP. state is more favorable to liberty than the civilized, and was only renounced for the sake of property. A 1787. range of new states will soon be formed in the West. July 5. The rule of representation ought to be so fixed as to 6. secure to the Atlantic states a prevalence in the national councils." Rutledge repeated: "Property is certainly the principal object of society." "If numbers should be the rule of representation, the Atlantic states will soon be subjected to the western." “If new states," said Mason and Randolph, "make a part of the union, they ought to be subject to no unfavor able discriminations." " On the morning of the sixth, Gouverneur Morris moved to refer the ratio of representation in the popular branch to a committee of five.' Wilson, who still strove to defeat the compromise between the federal and the national states, seconded the motion. In the distribution of representatives, Gorham thought the number of inhabitants the true guide. "Property," said King, "is the primary object of society, and in fixing a ratio, ought not to be excluded from the estimate." "Property," said Butler, "is the only just measure of representation." To Charles Pinckney the number of inhabitants appeared the true and only practicable rule, and he acquiesced in counting but three fifths of the slaves. The motion of Morris was carried by New Eng land, Pennsylvania, and the four southernmost slaveholding states. Gorham, King' and Gouverneur Mor ris, Randolph and Rutledge were chosen the com- CHAP. mittee. IV. July On the seventh the clause allowing each state an 1787. equal vote in the senate was retained as part of the 7. report by a majority of six to three, New York being present and voting with the majority, Massachusetts and Georgia being divided. The number and distribution of the members of the first branch of the legislature in the first congress, the rule for every future congress, the balance of legislative power between the South and the North; between the carrying states which asked for a retaliatory navigation act and the planting states which desired free freight and free trade; between the original states and new ones; the apportionment of representation according to numbers or wealth, or a combination of the two; the counting of all, or three fifths, or none, of the slaves; the equal suffrage in the senate-became the subjects of motions and counter-motions, postponements and recalls. To unravel the tangled skein it is necessary to trace each subject for itself to its preliminary settlement. On the ninth Gouverneur Morris presented the report of the committee of five. It changed the distribution of representation in the first congress to the advantage of the South; for the future, no one opposing except Randolph, it authorized, but purposely refrained from enjoining, the legislature, from time to time, to regulate the number of representatives of each state by its wealth and the number of its inhabitants.' 9. СНАР. IV. 1787. July 9. 10. 2 1 "The report," said Sherman, "corresponds neither with any rule of numbers, nor any requisition by congress;" and on his motion its first paragraph was referred to a committee of one member from each state. Gouverneur Morris seconded and Randolph approved the motion. Paterson could regard negro slaves in no light but as property; to grant their masters an increase of representation for them he condemned as an indirect encouragement of the slave-trade. Madison revived his suggestion of a representation of free inhabitants in the popular branch; of the whole number, including slaves, in the senate; which, as the special guardian of property, would rightly be the protector of property in slaves.* "The southern states are the richest," said King, who yet should have known that they were not so, or perhaps was thinking only of the exports of the country; "they will not league themselves with the northern unless some respect is paid to their superior wealth. The North must not expect to receive from the connection preferential distinctions in commerce without allowing some advantage in return."" The committee of one from each state on the very next morning produced their well-considered report. The committee of five had fixed the number of representatives at fifty-six; or thirty from the North, twenty-six from the South; and Maryland and Virginia had each given up one member to South Carolina, raising her number to five." 1 Gilpin, 1052; Elliot, 288. * Elliot, i. 197. 9 Gilpin, 1055; Elliot, 289, 290. 7 Gilpin, 1054; Elliot, 288, 289. * Gilpin, 1054, 1055; Elliot, 289. |