III. removes only a part of the objection. No liberty CHAP. can be obtained without the state governments; but on this question depend the essential rights of the 1787. general government and of the people." 1 Ellsworth replied: "No salutary measure has been lost for want of a majority of the states to favor it.' If the larger states seek security, they have it fully in the first branch of the general government. But are the lesser states equally secure? We are razing the foundation of the building, when we need only repair the roof. And let it be remembered that these remarks are not the result of partial or local views. In importance, the state I represent holds a middle rank."" "If there was real danger to the smaller states," said Madison, "I would give them defensive weapons. But there is none. The great danger to our general government is, that the southern and northern interests of the continent are opposed to each other, not from their difference of size, but from climate, and principally from the effects of their having or not having slaves. Look to the votes in congress; most of them stand divided by the geography of the country, not by the size of the states. Defensive power ought to be given, not between the large and small states, but between the northern and southern. Casting about in my mind for some expedient that will purpose, it has occurred that the states should be represented in one branch according to the answer this June 30. June 30. CHAP. number of free inhabitants only; and in the other acIII. cording to the whole number, counting the slaves as 1787. free. The southern scale would have the advantage in one house, and the northern in another." By this willingness to recede from the strict claim to representation in proportion to population for the sake of protecting slavery, Madison stepped from firm ground. The argument of Ellsworth drawn from the faith plighted to the smaller states in the existing federal compact, he answered only by taunts: "The party claiming from others an adherence to a common engagement ought at least to be itself guiltless of its violation. Of all the states, Connecticut is perhaps least able to urge this plea."" Fixing his eyes on Washington, Ellsworth rejoined: "To you I can with confidence appeal for the great exertions of my state during the war in supplying both men and money.' The muster rolls will show that she had more troops in the field than even the state of Virginia. We strained every nerve to raise them; and we spared neither money nor exertions to complete our quotas. This extraordinary exertion has greatly impoverished us, and has accumulated our state debts; but we defy any gentleman to show that we ever refused a federal requisition. If she has proved delinquent through inability only, it is not more than others have been without the same excuse. It is the ardent wish of the state to strengthen the federal government." 1 5 III. national states, preferred the proposition of Ellsworth CHAP. to the proportional representation, which would in time make the senate a multitudinous body. Con- 1787. necticut had won the day. Startled by the appearance of defeat, Wilson hastily offered to the smallest states one senator, to the others one for every hundred thousand souls. This expedient Franklin brushed aside, saying: "On a proportional representation the small states contend that their liberties will be in danger; with an equality of votes, the large states say their money will be in danger. A joiner, when he wants to fit two boards, takes a little from both." And he suggested for the several states a like number of delegates to the senate, with proportionate votes on financial subjects, equal votes on questions affecting the rights of the states. King inveighed against the "phantom of state sovereignty:" "If the adherence to an equality of votes is unalterable, we are cut asunder already. My mind is prepared for every event, rather than to sit down under a government which must be as short-lived as it would be unjust." Dayton replied: "Assertion for proof and terror for argument, however eloquently spoken, will have no effect. It should have been shown that the evils we have experienced proceeded from the equality of representation." "The plan in its present shape," said Madison, "makes the senate absolutely dependent on the 1 1 Gilpin, 1007; Elliot, 265, 266; Yates in Elliot, i. 470; Paterson MS. * Gilpin, 1009; Elliot, 266; Yates in Elliot, i. 471. Gilpin, 1010, 1011; Elliot, 266, June 30. III. June 30. CHAP. states; it is, therefore, only another edition of the old confederation, and can never answer. Still I would pre1787. serve the state rights as carefully as the trial by jury."1 Bedford scoffed at Georgia, proud of her future greatness; at South Carolina, puffed up with wealth and negroes; at the great states, ambitious, dictatorial, and unworthy of trust; and defied them to dissolve the confederation, for ruin would then stare them in the face." July To a question from King, whether by entering into a national government he would not equally participate in national security, Ellsworth answered: "I confess I should; but a general government cannot know my wants, nor relieve my distress. I depend for domestic happiness as much on my state government as a new-born infant depends upon its mother for nourishment. If this is not an answer, I have no other to give." On the motion of Ellsworth, five states voted for 2. equal suffrage in the senate; five of the six national states answered, No. All interest then centred upon Georgia, the sixth national state and the last to vote. Baldwin, fearing a disruption of the convention, and convinced of the hopelessness of assembling another under better auspices, dissented from his colleague, and divided the vote of his state. So the motion was lost by a tie; but as all believed that New Hampshire and Rhode Island, had they been present, would have voted with Connecticut, the convention moved rapidly toward its inevitable decision. 'Gilpin, 1012; Elliot, 267; Yates in Elliot, i. 471. 2 Gilpin, 1012-1014; Elliot, 268. III. 1787. For a moment Charles Pinckney made delay by CHAP. calling up his scheme of dividing the United States into northern, middle, and southern groups, and ap- July portioning the senators between the three;' a measure which, with modifications, he repeatedly brought forward. Cotesworth Pinckney liked better the motion of Franklin, and proposed that a committee of one from each state, taking into consideration both branches of the legislature, should devise and report a compromise. "Such a committee," said Sherman, "is necessary to set us right." Gouverneur Morris, who, after a month's absence, had just returned, spoke abruptly for a senate for life to be appointed by the executive; but the committee was ordered by a great majority; and the house showed its own inclination by selecting Franklin, Gerry, Ellsworth, Yates, Paterson, even Bedford and Martin, Mason, Davie, Rutledge, and Baldwin. To give them time for their task, and to all the opportunity of celebrating the anniversary of independence, the convention adjourned for three days.* 'Gilpin, 1017; Elliot, 270. Gilpin, 1017, 1018; Elliot, 270. 'Gilpin, 1020; Elliot, 271. Gilpin, 1023, 1024; Elliot, 273. 2. |