persuasion I have thrown it out in conversation to several of the country members, and have found it very generally disapproved of, so much so that I am satisfied it cannot at present be accomplished. I am afraid, too, it would interfere with the appointment of General Schuyler, in this way. Many persons think we are bound to support Judge Yates, in order to convince the public that our only object in pushing him for the government was not merely the removal of Mr. Clinton. This may operate with many as a reason for supporting the judge against the general. How will it answer to try the old chief for the southern district? This, I imagine, will give pretty general satisfaction. The old gentleman will be provided for, and Judge Yates satisfied with stepping into the chief justice's chair. Give me your sentiments upon this subject; and also upon the mode most proper to be adopted in the appointment of senators. Mrs. L. joins in compliments to Mrs. H. with, dear sir, your friend and humble servant, MORGAN LEWIS.' Secretary W. W. Grenville to Lord Dorchester (secret), Whitehall, 20 Oct., 1789. MY LORD: Your lordship's despatches Nos. 107, 112, and 126, which relate to the new settlements in Kentucky, contain information highly important to the future interests of his Majesty's provinces in North America, and his Majesty has, therefore, seen with great satisfaction the attention which you have given to this subject. It appears extremely desirable that the turn of affairs in those settlements should lead to the establishment of a government distinct from that of the Atlantic states, and that if this should be the case, every means should be taken to improve and cultivate a connection with the former, as being likely to prove highly advantageous to the interests of this country. But this business does not (as far as I am enabled to judge from the information of which I am hitherto in possession) appear to be in a situation in which any direct or open interference on our part would be in any respect a proper or prudent measure. The great object of your lordship's endeavors should, therefore, be to cultivate such an intercourse with the leading men in the new settlements as might give 1 The letter is addressed to Alexander Hamilton, Esq., New York, honored by Colonel Fish. The first endorsement made at the time is "Morgan Lewis, '89, Mr. King, Senator, June 24th." The later endorsement, without date, is "A good enough federalist at that time. A. H." to this country a facility of acting, if at any time a proper occasion should occur, and enable your lordship, even at present, in some degree to influence their conduct by representations and advice. It is particularly desirable to prevent any close connection being formed between them and the Spanish government. Their mutual jealousies on the subject of the Mississippi are, I trust, sufficient to retard this event, but if, contrary to expectation, it should appear likely to take place, your lordship should exert yourself to counteract it by all such measures as may not give any just ground of complaint to Spain. It is not, however, to be wished that your lordship should for this purpose make use of any promises of eventual, and still less of immediate, assistance, against the Atlantic states. His Majesty's servants, on the contrary, entirely concur in the prudence and propriety of the conduct held by your lordship in this respect, wishing that, whenever the case should occur, this country may be left at liberty to decide, according to then existing circumstances, as to the degree of support which it may be proper to hold out. The necessity of this caution is the more evident from the uncertain situation in which we stand toward the United States with respect to the posts which were ceded at the peace, and have since been retained as a just indemnification for the non-execution of that treaty. A connection with the Kentucky settlers might, in the event of any dispute with the Atlantic states, be of great advantage; and the means of cultivating such a connection ought, therefore, carefully to be kept in view while the point which I have mentioned remains unsettled; but, on the other hand, it is desirable that no measures should be taken which might have the effect of bringing forward any such dispute which might otherwise be avoided. Having thus stated the general outline of what occurs to me on this subject, I have only to recommend it to your lordship to persevere in the same cautious line of conduct which you have already observed with respect to it, and to endeavor, if possible, to cultivate a close correspondence and intercourse with the principal persons among the Kentucky settlers, observing, however, very carefully, not to use any language which can in the smallest degree make this country a party to any attack on the possessions of his Catholic Majesty, with whom his Majesty is on a footing of peace and good correspondence. I am, W. W. GRENVILLE, etc., Secretary W. W. Grenville to Lord Dorchester, Whitehall, 29 Oct., 1789. Ex. There will be a considerable difficulty in the mode of describing the boundary between the district of upper Canada and the territories of the United States, as the adhering to the line mentioned in the treaty with America would exclude the posts which are still in his Majesty's possession, and which the infraction of the treaty on the part of America has induced his Majesty to retain, while, on the other hand, the including them by express words within the limits to be established for the province by an act of the British parliament, would probably excite a considerable degree of resentment among the inhabitants of the United States, and might perhaps provoke them to measures detrimental to our commercial interests. Possibly the best solution for this difficulty might be to describe the upper district by some general words, such as "All the territories, etc., etc., etc., possessed by and subject to his Majesty, and being to the west or southwest of the boundary line of lower Canada, except such as are included within the present boundaries of the government of New Brunswick." Count Moustier to Count Montmorin, New York, 5 June, 1789. Ex. The second revolution through which the United States have passed by the change of their federal government has put them in an entirely new light. This has appeared to me to exact greater details. This is the motive which has determined me to collect and to present to you different observations that may assist in forming a fixed opinion on the actual situation of the United States, and on the turn they may gradually take. The constitution of the United States has defined with precision the different branches of the government; but their powers are still susceptible of many modifications, according to the usage that each branch may establish for that part which is confided to it, and according to the impression which its exercise will have produced. It is already beyond doubt that, in spite of the asserted beauty of the plan which has been adopted, it would have been necessary to renounce its introduction if the same man who presided over its formation had not been placed at the head of the enterprise. The opinion of General Washington was of such weight that it alone contributed more than any other measure to cause the present constitution to be adopted. The extreme confidence in his patriotism, his integrity, and his intelligence forms to-day its principal support. It has become popular much more out of respect for the chief of the republic than by any merit of its own. All is hushed in presence of the trust of the people in the savior of the country. |