Sir John Temple to Lord Carmarthen, New York, 7 Jan., 1789. Ex. Many difficulties have arisen, and are daily arising, concerning the organization of the new constitution; anti-federalism daily gains ground in many of the states, so much so that it appears to me doubtful whether ever the said constitution will take place until it be altered or modified, and the tedious progress of state and general conventions for that purpose will render it at least a considerable time before any firm government shall be established.

J. E. Howard, Governor of Maryland, to Washington, Annapolis, 23 Jan., 1789.

In this state, the federal ticket has been carried by a very large majority. Knowing that this circumstance will give you pleasure, I have taken the earliest opportunity of communicating it. One circumstance I will add that, in the county which bears your name, out of 1,164 taken, there was not one for the anti-federal ticket.

Tobias Lear to John Langdon, Mount Vernon, 31 Jan., 1789. Ex. Since the assembly of this state have finished all matters relative to the government so far as depended upon them, the aspect of these affairs have assumed a more settled form, and will enable a person to speak with some degree of certainty upon them.

Mr. Henry, the leader of the opposition in this state, finding himself beaten off the ground by fair argument in the state convention, and outnumbered upon the important question, collected his whole strength and pointed his whole force against the government in the assembly. He here met with but a feeble opposition, for those great characters who had supported the system in the convention were not members of the assembly. There was not now a single speaker who could cope with him. He led on his almost unresisted phalanx, and planted the standard of hostility upon the very battlements of federalism.

In plain English, he ruled a majority of the assembly, and his edicts were registered by that body with less opposition than those of the Grand Monarque have met with from his parliaments. He chose the two senators, R. H. Lee and Colonel Grayson, both of whom had de-. clared themselves opposed to the government. He divided the state into districts, obliging every district to choose one representative who

should be an inhabitant of that district, taking care to arrange matters so as to have the county of which Mr. Madison is an inhabitant thrown into a district of which a majority were supposed to be unfriendly to the government, and by that means exclude him from the representative body in congress. He wrote the answer to Governor Clinton's letter, and likewise the circular letter to the executives of the several states (one of which, I presume, your Excellency has received before this time), requesting that the states might unite in desiring congress to call another general convention, etc. And after he had settled everything relative to the government wholly (I suppose) to his satisfaction, be mounted his horse and rode home, leaving the little business of the state to be done by anybody who chose to give themselves the trouble of attending to it.

This, I believe, is a pretty fair state of facts so far as they relate to the legislature. One thing, however, should be remarked, viz., that the doings of the assembly upon the government have been represented out of the state as their almost unanimous deed. This is not the case; there was a respectable minority in point of number, and in any other view they would be considered by all good men as far outweighing their opponents; and the voice of the people, in the choice of electors since the assembly have risen, clearly shows that their sentiments were not justly represented in that body, for they have made choice of gentlemen for that business of whom a great majority were warm and decided supporters of the government. But the fullest proof of the disposition of the people will be given in their choice of representatives to congress which will take place on Monday next, and of these, six, at least, will be federal characters. This the opposite party themselves acknowledge, and the more sanguine in favor of the government speak with confidence of seven or eight out of ten that will be warm supporters of the system. There can be but little doubt of Mr. Madison's election, for, notwithstanding their unwearied efforts to exclude him from any share in the government by the arrangement of the district, and every other obstacle that could be suggested, his personal appearance in the district and the exertions of his friends have so far turned the current in his favor that they chose a decided federalist as an elector in spite of every opposition. If he should be left out, not only this state but the whole continent will sustain a considerable loss by being deprived of his superior abilities.

Mr. Richard H. Lee has declared that, in his opinion, the govern

ment ought to have a fair trial in its present form, and that he shall be opposed to any premature amendments.

John Adams to Jefferson, Braintree, 1 March, 1789. Ex.

In four days the new government is to be erected. Washington appears to have an unanimous vote, and there is probably a plurality, if not a majority, in favor of your friend. It may be found easier to give authority than to yield obedience. Amendments to the constitution will be expected, and no doubt discussed.

Will you be so good as to look over the code, and write me your sentiments of amendments which you think necessary or useful? That greatest and most necessary of all amendments, the separation of the executive power from the legislative, seems to be better understood than it once was; without this our government is in danger of being a continual struggle between a junta of grandees for the first chair.

The success of the new plan will depend, in the first place, upon a revenue to defray the interest of the foreign and domestic debt. But how to get a revenue? how to render smuggling and evasion shameful?

You must expect the first operations will be very slow. Mrs. A., and your old admirer, my son, John Quincy Adams, desire their respects to you. With unabated respect, esteem, and affection, I am, my dear sir, your friend and humble servant, etc.

Washington to Captain Richard Conway, 4 March, 1789. Ex. DEAR SIR: Never till within these two years have I ever experienced the want of money. Short crops, and other causes not entirely within my control, make me feel it now very sensibly. To collect money without the intervention of suits (and these are tedious) seems impracticable, and land which I have offered for sale will not command cash at an under value, if at all. Under this statement I am inclined to do what I never expected to be driven to-that is, to borrow money on interest. Five hundred pounds would enable me to discharge what I owe in Alexandria, etc.; and to leave the state (if it shall not be in my power to remain at home in retirement) without doing this would be exceedingly disagreeable to me. Having thus fully and candidly explained myself, permit me to ask if it is in your power to supply me with the above, or a smaller sum. Any security you may best like I can give, and you may be assured that it is no more my inclination

than it can be yours to let it remain long unpaid. Could I get in one fourth part of what is due to me on bonds, or sell any of the landed property which I am inclined to dispose of, I could do it with ease; but, independently of these, my rents and crops would soon enable me to do it, provided I am tolerably successful in the latter and have common justice done me in the former. Your answer will much oblige yours, etc.

Washington to Captain Richard Conway, 6 March, 1789. Ex. DEAR SIR: I am much obliged by your assurance of money. Mr. Lear waits upon you for it, and carries a bond, drawn in the manner you requested. I am very well satisfied to allow six per cent. (the interest of Maryland), because I have not the smallest doubt of the readiness with which you could lend any sum on those terms. If it is necessary that the bond should be taken in Maryland, I will exchange the one now sent for another to be given at Georgetown, or opposite to Alexandria (at whichever ferry I may pass). I would have done it this day, but being to set off to-morrow for Fredericksburg, in order, probably, to discharge the last act of personal duty I may (from her age) ever have it in my power to pay my mother, it would be very inconvenient for me.

Upon collecting my accounts by Mr. Lear, the other day, it was found that though five hundred pounds will enable me to discharge them, yet it is incompetent to this and the other purpose, the expenses of my journey to New York, if I go thither. If, therefore, you could add another hundred pounds to the former sum, it would be very acceptable. Mr. Lear is provided with a bond for this sum also.

As you said nothing about security in your letter, none is given, but I am not less willing and ready, notwithstanding, to include it in another bond if you desire it.

John Langdon to Washington, New York, 6 April, 1789. SIR: I have the honor to transmit to your Excellency the information of your unanimous election to the office of president of the United States of America. Suffer me, sir, to indulge the hope that so auspicious a mark of public confidence will meet your approbation, and be considered as a sure pledge of the affection and support you are to expect from a free and an enlightened people.

G. Washington to Robert R. Livingston, New York, 31 May, 1789. SIR: The new and busy scenes in which I have been constantly engaged since my arrival in this place, and which will not allow me to pay that pointed attention to the favors of my friends that my inclination would lead me to do, will, I trust, apologize for this late acknowledgment of your letter of the fifteenth instant.

To you, sir, and others who know me, I believe it is unnecessary for me to say that when I accepted of the important trust committed to my charge by my country, I gave up every idea of personal gratification that I did not think was compatible with the public good. Under this impression I plainly foresaw that the part of my duty which obliged me to nominate persons to offices would, in many instances, be the most irksome and unpleasing; for however strong my personal attachment might be to any one-however desirous I might be of giving a proof of my friendship-and whatever might be his expectations, grounded upon the amity which had subsisted between us, I was fully determined to keep myself free from every engagement that could embarrass me in discharging this part of my administration. I have, therefore, uniformly declined giving any decisive answer to the numerous applications which have been made to me; being resolved, whenever I am called upon to nominate persons for those offices which may be created, that I will do it with a sole view to the public good, and shall bring forward those who upon every consideration, and from the best information I can obtain, will, in my judgment, be most likely to answer that great end.

The delicacy with which your letter was written, and your wishes insinuated, did not require me to be thus explicit on this head with you; but the desire which I have that those persons whose good opinion I value should know the principles on which I mean to act in this business, has led me to this full declaration; and I trust that the truly worthy and respectable characters in this country will do justice to the motives by which I am actuated in all my public transactions. I have the honor to be, with due consideration and very great esteem, sir, your most obedient and very humble servant, G. WASHINGTON.

Morgan Lewis to Hamilton, Rhinebeck, 24 June, 1789. DEAR SIR: I am informed the inhabitants of New York have it in contemplation to make Mr. King one of our senators. Under this