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III.

Adams and Jefferson had exchanged with each CHAP. other their portraits, as lasting memorials of friendship; and Adams, on leaving Europe, had but two 1788. regrets one, the opportunity of research in books; the other, that immediate correspondence with Jefferson which he cherished as one of the most agreeable events in his life. "A seven months' intimacy with him here and as many weeks in London have given me opportunities of studying him closely," wrote Jefferson to Madison. "He is vain, irrita ble, and a bad calculator of the force and probable effect of the motives which govern men. the ill which can possibly be said of him. He is disinterested; profound in his views; and accurate in his judgment, except where knowledge of the world is necessary to form a judgment. He is so amiable, that you will love him, if ever you become acquainted with him."1

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In America the new constitution was rapidly conciliating the affections of the people. Union had been held dear ever since it was formed; and now that the constitution was its surest guarantee, no party could succeed which did not inscribe union, and with union the constitution, on its banner. In September, Sept, 1788, the dissidents of Pennsylvania held a conference at Harrisburg. With the delegates from beyond the mountains came Albert Gallatin, a native of Geneva, and educated there in a republic of a purely federal form. Their proceedings bear the marks of his mind. They resolved for themselves and recommended to all others to acquiesce in the organization 1 Jefferson, ii. 107. 23

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CHAP. of the government under "the federal constitution, of which the ratification had formed a new era in the 1788. American world;" they asked, however, for its speedy revision by a general convention. All their actions were kept within the bounds of legality.'

Sept.

20.

In Virginia there had been a great vibration of opinion. Its assembly, which met on the twentieth Oct. of October, 1788, was the first to take into consideration the proposal for another federal convention. The enemies to the government formed a decided majority of the legislature. No one of its members was able to encounter Patrick Henry in debate, and his edicts were registered without opposition.' He had only to say, "Let this be law," and it became law. Taking care to set forth that so far as it depended on Virginia the new plan of government would be carried into immediate operation, the as30. sembly proposed a second federal convention, and invited the concurrence of every other state. Madison was the fittest man in the union to be of the senate of the United States: Henry, after pouring forth a Nov. declamation against his federal principles,' nominated Richard Henry Lee and Grayson for the two senators from Virginia, and they were chosen at his bidding. He divided the state into districts, cunningly restricting each of them to its own inhabitants in the choice of its representative, and taking care to compose the district in which Madison would be a candidate out of counties which were thought to be un

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friendly to federalism. Assured by these iniquitous CHAP. preparations, Monroe, without scruple, took the field against Madison.

In Connecticut the circular letter of New York had a reading among other public communications, but "no anti-federalist had hardiness enough to call it up for consideration or to speak one word of its subject."

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The

1788.

Oct.

March

The legislature of Massachusetts concurred with 1789. Hancock, the governor, that an immediate second 6. federal convention might endanger the union. legislature of Pennsylvania put the question at rest by saying: "The house do not perceive this constitution wanting in any of those fundamental principles which are calculated to ensure the liberties of their country. The happiness of America and the harmony of the union depend upon suffering it to proceed undisturbed in its operation by premature amendments. The house cannot, consistently with their duty to the good people of this state or with their affection to the citizens of the United States at large, concur with Virginia in their application to congress for a convention of the states." This vote, Mifflin, the governor, early in March, 1789, communicated to the governor of Virginia,' and the subject was heard of no more.

July.

Congress as early as the second of July, 1788, was 1788 notified that the constitution had received the proval of nine states; but they wasted two months

Trumbull to Washington, Oct., 1788. Letters to Washington, iv. 238.

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Sept.

CHAP. in wrangling about the permanent seat of the federal government, and at last could agree only on New 1788. York as its resting place. Not till the thirteenth of 13. September was the first Wednesday of the following January appointed for the choice of electors of president in the several states; and the first Wednesday in March, which in that year was the fourth, for commencing proceedings under the constitution. The states, each for itself, appointed the times and places for electing senators and representatives.

The interest of the elections centred in New York, Virginia, and South Carolina. In four districts out of the six into which New York was divided the federalists elected their candidates. Having in the state legislature but a bare majority in the senate, while their opponents outnumbered them in the house, each branch made a nomination of senators; but the senate refused to go into a joint ballot. For this there was the excuse that the time for a new election was close at hand. But the senate further refused to meet the house for the choice of electors of president, and this was an act of faction.

The star of Hamilton was then in the ascendant, and he controlled the federalists; but only to make his singular incapacity to conduct a party as apparent as his swiftness and power of thought. Instead of organizing the sure friends of the constitution as a compact and permanent party, he planned only to • defeat Clinton's re-election, and for that end led them to join with Aaron Burr in selecting for their candidate Robert Yates, who had deserted his post in the federal convention, but had since avowed the

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Sept.

opinion which was held by every one in the state that CHAP. the new constitution should be supported. New York at the moment was thoroughly federal, yet Clinton 1788. escaped defeat through the fidelity of his own county 18. of Ulster and the insignificance of his opponent, while the federalists were left without any state organization. In the new legislature both branches were federal, and Schuyler was readily chosen one of the two United States senators. After vain attempts to choose his colleague, Rufus King, who but a few months before had removed to New York, was elected by a majority in one house, by a unanimous vote in the other.'

In Virginia, Madison went into the counties that were relied on to defeat him, reasoned with the vot ers face to face, and easily won the day. Of the ten delegates from the state, seven were federalists, of whom one was from Kentucky. South Carolina elected avowed anti-federalists, except Butler, of the senate, who had conceded many points to bring about the union and yet very soon took the alarm that "the southern interest was imperilled.""

April

1.

6.

Under the constitution the house of representatives 1789. formed a quorum on the first of April. The senate on the sixth chose John Langdon, of New Hampshire, its president. The house of representatives was immediately summoned, and in the presence of the two branches he opened and counted the votes. Every one of the sixty-nine, cast by the ten states which

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1 The result of the whole was disastrous for Hamilton. Schuyler having drawn the short term, in less than two years Aaron Burr knew how to conciliate Clinton and to collect out of the discord

ant elements in New York support
enough to supersede Schuyler,
Hamilton's father-in-law, in the
senate of the United States.

Pierce Butler to Iredell, in Life
of Iredell, ii. 264, 265.

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