IV. CHAP. eign slave-trade; and to the explanation of Langdon that under the confederation the power exists with1788. out limit, Atherton answered: "It is our full purpose to wash our hands clear of becoming its guarantees even for a term of years." Feb. 1787. Nov. The friends of the constitution won converts enough to hold the balance; but these were fettered by instructions from their towns. To give them an opportunity to consult their constituents, the friends of the constitution proposed an adjournment till June; saying, with other reasons, that it would be very prudent for a small state like New Hampshire to wait and see what the other states would do. This was the argument which had the greatest weight.' The place of meeting was changed from Exeter, a stronghold of federalism, to Concord; and the adjournment was then carried by a slender majority.' The assembly of Maryland in November, 1787, summoned its delegates to the federal convention to give them information of its proceedings; and Martin rehearsed to them and published to the world his three days' arraignment of that body for having exceeded its authority. He was answered by McHenry, who, by a concise analysis of the constitution, drew to himself the sympathy of his hearers. The legisla ture unanimously ordered a convention of the people of the state; it copied the example set by Virginia of leaving the door open for amendments;' and by a majority of one the day for the choice, and the day 1 Report in the Mass. Spy, copied into Ind. Gazetteer of 9 April, 1788. 'Ind. Gazetteer, 17 March, 1788. Madison to Jefferson, 9 Dec., 1787; Madison, i. 363, 364. for the meeting of its convention, were postponed till CHAP. the next April. IV. Nov. The long delay gave opportunity for the cabalings 1787. of the anti-federalists in Virginia.' Richard H. Lee was as zealous as ever; and Patrick Henry disseminated propositions for a southern confederacy;' but Washington, who felt himself at home on the Maryland side of the Potomac, toiled fearlessly and faithfully, with Madison at his side, for the immediate and unconditioned ratification of the constitution by the South. Charles Carter, of Virginia, had written a congratulatory letter to Washington as president of the late federal convention; there soon appeared in the newspapers his reply, all the more interesting because written with unguarded frankness: "My decided opinion is, that there is no alternative between the adoption of the proceedings of the convention and anarchy. If one state, however important it may conceive itself to be," meaning Virginia, " or a minority of them should suppose that they can dictate a constitution to the union (unless they have the power of applying the ultima ratio to good effect), they will find themselves deceived. All the opposition to it that I have yet seen is addressed more to the passions than to reason; and clear I am, if another federal convention is attempted, that the sentiments of the members will be more discordant or less accommodating than the last. In fine, they will agree upon no general plan. General government is now suspended 'Letters to Washington, iv. 196. 2 This is repeatedly told of Henry by Carrington. Dec. CHAP. by a thread; I might go further, and say it is really IV. at an end; and what will be the consequence of a 1787. fruitless attempt to amend the one which is offered, before it is tried, or of the delay of the attempt, does not, in my judgment, need the gift of prophecy to predict. The constitution or disunion is before us to choose from. If the first is our election, when the defects of it are experienced, a constitutional door is opened for amendments, and may be adopted in a peaceable manner, without tumult or disorder." In the three months' interval before the election, the fields and forests and towns of Maryland were alive with thought; the merits of the constitution 1788. were scanned and sifted in every public meeting and at every hearth; and on the day for choosing delegates, each voter, in designating the candidate of his preference, registered his own deliberate decision. In fifteen counties, and the cities of Baltimore and Annapolis, there was no diversity of sentiment. Two counties only returned none but anti-federalists; Harford county elected three of that party and one trimmer. April 20. The day before the convention was to assemble, Washington, guarding against the only danger that remained, addressed a well-considered letter to Thomas Johnson: "An adjournment of your convention will be tantamount to the rejection of the constitution. It cannot be too much deprecated and guarded against. Great use is made of the postponement in New Hampshire, although it has no reference to the 1 Washington to Charles Carter, 14 Dec., 1787; Penn. Packet, 11 Jan., 1788. IV. convention of this state. An event similar to this in CHAP. Maryland would have the worst tendency imaginable; for indecision there would certainly have con- 1788. April siderable influence upon South Carolina, the only 20. other state which is to precede Virginia; and it submits the question almost wholly to the determination of the latter. The pride of the state is already touched, and will be raised much higher if there is fresh cause."1 The advice, which was confirmed by similar letters from Madison, was communicated to several of the members; so that the healing influence of Virginia proved greater than its power to wound. But the men of Maryland of themselves knew their duty, and Washington's advice was but an encouragement for them to proceed in the way which they had chosen. On Monday, the twenty-first of April, a quorum of the convention assembled at Annapolis. The settlement of representation in the two branches of the federal legislature was pleasing to all the representatives of fifteen counties, and the cities of Baltimore and Annapolis agreed with each other perfectly that the main question had already been decided by the people in their respective counties; and that the ratification of the constitution, the single transaction for which they were convened, ought to be speedily completed. Two days were given to the organization of the house and establishing rules for its government; on the third the constitution was read a 1 Washington to Thomas Johnson, 20 April, 1788; T. Johnson to Washington, 10 Oct., 1788. Compare Washington to James McHenry, 27 April, 1788, MS.; 21. CHAP. first time, and the motion for its ratification was IV. formally made. The plan of a confederacy of slave1788. holding states found not one supporter; not one 21. suggested an adjournment for the purpose of consul April 24. tation with Virginia. The malcontents could embarrass the convention only by proposing pernicious amendments. On the morning of the fourth day Samuel Chase took his seat, and at the second reading of the constitution began from elaborate notes the fiercest opposition: The powers to be vested in the new government are deadly to the cause of liberty, and should be amended before adoption; five states can now force a concession of amendments which after the national government shall go into operation could be carried only by nine.' He spoke till he was exhausted, intending to resume his argument on the following day. In the afternoon, William Paca, of Harford county, a signer of the declaration of independence, appeared for the first time and sought to steer between the clashing opinions, saying: "I have a variety of objections; not as conditions, but to accompany the ratification as standing instructions to the representatives of Maryland in congress." To Johnson the request seemed candid; and on his motion the convention adjourned to the next morning. The interval was employed in preparing a set of amendments to the constitution, which were adapted to injure the cause of federalism in Virginia.' 1 Notes of Chase on the constitution, MS.; and the historical address of Alex. C. Hanson, MS. 2 Hanson's MS. narrative. 3 James McHenry to Washington, 18 May, 1788. MS. |