III. wealth will quietly acquiesce in the voice of the ma- CHAP. jority, and, where they see a want of perfection in the proposed form of government, endeavor, in a constitutional way, to have it amended."1 The question being taken, the counties of Dukes, Essex, Suffolk, and Plymouth, and in Maine of Cumberland and Lincoln, all counties that touched the sea, gave majorities in favor of the constitution; Middlesex and Bristol, the whole of Massachusetts to the west of them, and the county of York in Maine, gave majorities against it. The majority of Maine for the constitution was in proportion greater than in Massachusetts. The motion for ratifying the constitution was declared to be in the affirmative by one hundred and eighty-seven votes against one hundred and sixtyeight. The bells and artillery announced the glad news to every part of the town. 2 With the declaration of the vote, every symptom of persistent opposition vanished. No person even wished for a protest. The convention, after dissolv ing itself, partook of a modest collation in the senate chamber, where, merging party ideas in mutual congratulations, they all "smoked the calumet of love and union." "The Boston people," wrote Knox to Livingston, "have lost their senses with joy." The Long Lane by the meeting-house, in which the convention held its sessions, took from that time the name of Federal street. The prevailing joy diffused itself through the commonwealth. In New York, at 1 Elliot, ii. 174-176. VOL. II. 18 Knox to Livingston, 13 Feb., 1788. 1788. Feb. 6. CHAP. noon, men hoisted the pine-tree flag with an approIII. priate inscription. Six states had ratified, and six 1788. salutes, each of thirteen guns, were fired. 10. 66 The example of Massachusetts proved worthy of imitation. "A conditional ratification or a second April convention," so wrote Madison to Randolph in April, appears to me utterly irreconcilable with the dictates of prudence and safety. Recommendatory alterations are the only ground for a coalition among the real federalists." Aug. 80. Jefferson, while in congress as the successor of Madison, had led the way zealously toward render1787. ing the American constitution more perfect." "The federal convention," so he wrote to one correspondent on hearing who were its members, "is really an assembly of demigods;" and to another: "It consists of the ablest men in America." He hoped from it a broader reformation, and saw with satisSept. faction "a general disposition through the states to adopt what it should propose." To Washington he soberly expressed the opinions from which dur Aug. ing his long life he never departed: "To make our states one as to all foreign concerns, preserve them several as to all merely domestic, to give to the federal head some peaceable mode of enforcing its just authority, to organize that head into legislative, executive, and judiciary departments, are great desiderata." 10. 14. Nov. 4 Early in November Jefferson received a copy of the new constitution, and approved the great mass of 1 Madison's Works, i. 386, and compare 376-379. 2 * Jefferson, i. 349. Jefferson, ii. 260. Jefferson, ii. 149, 264. 'Jefferson, ii. 250, 251. III. its provisions. But once he called it a kite set up CHAP. to keep the hen-yard in order;' and with three or four new articles he would have preserved the vener. 1787. able fabric of the old confederation as a sacred relic. 3 Nov. 13. To Madison he explained himself in a long and deliberate letter. A house of representatives elected directly by the people he thought would be far infe rior to one chosen by the state legislatures; but he accepted that mode of election from respect to the fundamental principle that the people are not to be taxed but by representatives chosen immediately by themselves. He was captivated by the compromise between the great and smaller states, and the method of voting in both branches of the legislature by persons instead of voting by states; but he utterly condemned the omission of a bill of rights, and the abandonment of the principle of rotation in the choice of the president. Nor was he "a friend to a very Dec. energetic government;" for he held that it would be 11. 20. 20 always oppressive." He presumed that Virginia would reject the new constitution; for himself he said: "It is my principle that the will of the majority should prevail; if they approve, I shall cheerfully concur in the proposed constitution, in hopes they will amend it whenever they shall find that it works wrong." Two months later he wrote to Mad- 1788 ison and at least one more of his correspondents: "I wish with all my soul that the nine first conventions may accept the new constitution, to secure to 1 Jefferson, i. 79, and ii. 586. Jefferson, ii. 319. 'Jefferson, ii. 328-331. Jefferson, ii. 332. Jefferson to Madison, 6 Feb., 1788. MS. Feb. 6. 7. 4 Jefferson, ii. 325. III. Feb. 27. CHAP. us the good it contains; but I equally wish that the four latest, whichever they may be, may refuse to 1788. accede to it till a declaration of rights be annexed; 7. but no objection to the new form must produce a schism in our union." This was the last word from him which reached America in time to have any inMay fluence. But so soon as he heard of the method adopted by Massachusetts he declared that it was far preferable to his own, and wished it to be followed July by every state, especially by Virginia.' To Madison 31. he said: "The constitution is a good canvas on which some strokes only want retouching." To a friend 1789. in Philadelphia he wrote with perfect truth: "I am not of the party of federalists; but I am much further from that of the anti-federalists."' The constitution was to Adams more of a surprise than to Jefferson; but at once he formed his unchanging judgment, and in December, 1787, he wrote of it officially to Jay: "The public mind cannot be occupied about a nobler object than the proposed plan of government. It appears to be admirably calculated to cement all America in affection and interest, as one great nation. A result of compromise cannot perfectly coincide with every one's ideas of perfection; but, as all the great principles necessary to order, liberty, and safety are respected in it, and provision is made for amendments as they may be found necessary, I hope to hear of its adoption by all the states." 1 Jefferson, ii. 398, 399, 404. Jefferson, ii. 585, 586. John Adams's Works, viii. 467; Dip. Corr., v. 356. CHAPTER IV. THE CONSTITUTION IN NEW HAMPSHIRE, MARYLAND, AND SOUTH CAROLINA. IV. Feb. LANGDON, the outgoing chief magistrate of New CHAP. Hampshire, and Sullivan, his successful competitor, vied with each other in zeal for federal measures; 1788. but when in February, 1788, the convention of the state came together there appeared to be a small majority against any change. In a seven days' debate, Joshua Atherton, of Amherst; William Hooper, the minister of Marbury; Matthias Stone, deacon of the church in Claremont; Abiel Parker, from Jaffrey, reproduced the objections that had been urged in the neighboring state; while John Sullivan, John Langdon, Samuel Livermore, Josiah Bartlett, and John Pickering explained and defended it with conciliatory moderation. When zealots complained of the want of a religious test, Samuel Langdon, lately president of Harvard College, but now a minister of the gospel at Hampton Falls, demonstrated that religion is a question between God and man in which no civil authority may interfere. Dow, from Weare, spoke against the twenty years' sufferance of the for |