law to issue; vide Barrington's Observations on the more Ancient Statutes. London, 1796, 4to, p. 279. 69. In Walsingham, as cited above, p. 258. 70. A letter, numbered 113, in Vol. xxiv., p. 1208, of the Biblioth. Maxima, P.P., from Peter de Blois, Archdeacon of Bath, to the Archbishop of York, calling upon him to arrest the progress of the enemies of the Church by Councils and severe penalties, might seem to prove a different state of matters, if the description of the heretics referred to were a little more exact. These are manifestly described as Cathari, but as to their doings and proceedings nothing definite whatever is stated. It is possible that the reference may be to imported Catharism, of which mention is to be made immediately. 71. Chronicle of the Augustinian Canon, William of Newbury, in Yorkshire, +1208. Historia Rerum Anglicarum Willelmi Parvi, ad fidem codd. MSS., rec. Lond. 1856. 8vo., Vol. I., 120 f. 72. Henry of Knighton, Canon of Leicester, in the second half of the fourteenth century, Chronica de eventibus Angliae, in Twysden's Historiae Anglicae Scriptores. Lond., 1652. T. III. Col. 2418. 73. Petri de Pilichdorf contra sectam Waldensium tractatus in Biblioth. Maxima Patrum, Lyon 1677, xxv., especially c. 15, p. 281. Here the author's drift is to show to the Waldenses a number of "peoples and races and tongues," where, by God's grace, all are orthodox in the faith, and have remained utterly untouched by this sect, ubi omnes homines sunt immunes a tua secta penitus conservati; and among these he mentions England first of all, then Flanders, etc. 74. Flathe, Geschichte der Vorläufer der Reformation. II. p. 159 f., 184, 195. 75. The poem is printed in the collection, "Political poems and songs relating to English History," ed. Thomas Wright, Vol. I., pp. 231-249, under the title added by the editor, Against the Lollards. The date assigned to it, 1381, I cannot for weighty reasons regard as correct. In the seventh strophe, says the author, O terra jam pestifera, 76. I make use here intentionally of the words of Döllinger, Kirche und Kirchen, Papsthum und Kirchenstaat. München, 1861, xxx. f. NOTES TO SECTION IV. 77. When King Leo IV. of Lesser Armenia applied to Pope Benedict XII. for assistance against the Saracens, the latter replied, in 1341, that before he could do anything for this object, the Armenians must renounce their many errors. A schedule of these errors was appended to the Brief, extending to the number of 117. From that time attention was directed in the west of Europe to the differences in VOL. I. H doctrine and usage of the Armenian Church. Hence the subject and title of Richard's work, De Erroribus Armenorum. 78. Vid. Dr. Karl Werner's Geschichte der Apologet und, Polemisch. Literatur der Christl. Theologie. Schaffhausen, 1864. III., 409 f. Comp. Hefele's Conciliengeschichte, IV., p. 569 f., p. 425 f. 79. Joh. Bale, Scriptorum Britannicorum Centuriæ, p. 246. 80. Trialogus, IV., c. 36. Ed. Lechler, p. 575. 81. Defensorium curatorum contra eos qui privilegiatos se dicunt, printed in Goldast's Monarchia, II., pp. 1392-1410, with a better text in Brown's Appendix ad Fasciculum rerum expetend, etc., V. II., pp. 466-486. This speech, however, is said to have been printed in Lyons as early as 1496, and in Paris in 1511, along with a tract in reply to it, to be mentioned further on; vid. d'Argentré Collectio judiciorum de novis erroribus, 1-379. 82. Schwab, Joh. Gerson, p. 459 f. 83. Unde non video, qualiter ista opinio de observantia mendicitatis spontaneae fuerit introducta, nisi ignorando scripturam, aut fingendo eam esse Christi vitæ conformem, ut per ipsam quæstus amplior haberetur; vid. Brown, p. 486. 86. Of course, the Mendicant orders themselves, as a deeply interested party, could not be expected to give an impartial judgment on the proceedings of the archbishop. We learn from the History of the Franciscans, by Lucas Wadding, how they sought to explain such an opposition on his part. The archbishop, it was alleged, had set his heart upon getting for his own palace an ornament belonging o a neighbouring convent of the Order, and when this was refused him, and the magistrates of Armagh had taken the monks and their rights under their protection, the Archbishop conceived a malicious feeling against them, and now did all he could to increase the opposition which had already begun to be stirred up against the Order in England.-Annales Minorum, IV., p. 62. 87. His name is written Connovius or Chonoe. The piece is entitled Defensio Religionis Mendicantium, and is printed in Goldast's Monarchia, pp. 1410-1444. NOTES TO SECTION V. 88. In what follows, I present a revision of my Essay, De Thoma Bradwardino Commentatio. Lipsia, 1862-4. 89. It seems to me very probable that this epithet may have been suggested to his admirers by his frequent use of the word profound, e. g., profundissima haec abyssus. De Causa Dei, p. 808. 90. Thomæ Brad wardini Archiepiscopi olim Cantuariensis De Causa Dei, et de Virtute Causarum Libri tres. Lond., 1618, fol. Edited by Henry Savile, Head of the same College in Oxford (Merton) where Brad wardine had once been a student and fellow. 91. In Germany, Schroeckh, it is true, in his " Kirchengeschichte," gave a pretty long extract from the "Causa Dei," v. 34, pp. 226-240. But from his time down to the present day, if I am not quite mistaken, all our most learned Church historians have bestowed little attention upon the work, or as good as none at all. Neander, at least, in his General History of the Christian Religion and Church, has passed over Bradwardine in profound silence; while Gieseler, though he gives several important passages from him (Lehrbuch der Kirchengeschichte, 3 Edit., II., p. 239), has entirely misconceived the fundamental principle of his teaching; as Baur also does, in his “Christliche Dogmengeschichte,” p. 265, 2 Edit. 92. The most reliable account of his life is contained in Savile's Preface to the "Causa Dei." 93. The small village in the county of Hereford, not far from the borders of Wales, from which Thomas took his second name, is still called Bradwardine. 94. De Causa Dei, III., c. 22. 95. Ingrata mihi gratia displicebat. The word-play here cannot be imitated in English. 96. De Causa Dei, Lib. I., c. 35, p. 308.-Postea vero adhuc nondum Theologiæ factus auditor; prædicto argumento velut quodam gratiæ radio visitatus, sub quadam tenui veritatis imagine videbar mihi videre a longe (i. e., e longinquso) gratiam Dei omnia bona merita præcedentem tempore et natura, scilicet gratam Dei voluntatem, qui prius utroque modo vult merentem salvari et prius naturaliter operatur meritum ejus in eo, quam ipse, sicut est in omnibus motibus primus Motor; unde et ei gratias refero qui mihi hanc gratiam gratis dedit. 97. In proof of this, I point to the fervent prayer with which Bradwardine towards the close of the whole work, begins Cap. 50 of Book III., p. 808. He invokes the Redeemer thus :-"Good Master,-Thou my only Master, -my Master and Lord, Thou who from my youth up, when I gave myself to this work by Thy impulse, hast taught me up to this day all that I have ever learned of the truth, and all that, as Thy pen, I have ever written of it,-send down upon me, also now, of Thy great goodness, Thy light, so that Thou who hast led me into the profoundest of depths, mayst also lead up to the mountain-height of this inaccessible truth. Thou who hast brought me into this great and wide sea, bring me also into the haven. Thou who hast conducted me into this wide and pathless desert, Thou my Guide, and Way, and End, lead me also unto the end. Show me, I pray Thee, Thou most learned of all teachers, show to Thy little child. who knows no outlet from the difficulty, how to solve the knot of Thy Word so hardly knit. . . . But now I thank Thee, serenest Lord, that to him who asketh, Thou hast given; to him that seeketh, Thou hast shown the way; and to him that knocketh, Thou hast opened the door of piety, the door of clearness, the door of truth. For now when Thou liftest the light of Thy countenance upon Thy servant, I believe I see the right understanding of Thy word," etc. In one place, after he had been warmly defending Augustin against a misinterpretation of Peter Lombard, and had subjected the scholastic to a somewhat sharp critique, maintaining that the latter interpretation is in direct opposition to the meaning of that Father (Lib. II., c. 10, p. 502), he is almost alarmed at his own boldness, and pleads in excuse for himself "the zeal for the house of God and catholic truth, which fills him with a vehement ardour against the error of the Pelagians; for it is not against Lombard himself that he has said a word, but against his error, because it is so nearly akin to the false teaching of Pelagius. 98. De Causa Dei, I., c. 38, p. 319. 99. Ibid. I., c. 43, p. 392, f. Compare c. 39, p. 347. 100. Ibid. I., c. 35, p. 311.-Factus est gratiæ laudator, gratia magnificus ac strenuus propugnator. 101. Ibid. Brad wardine's Preface, p. 7 f. Also the end of the work, III., c. 53, p. 872 f. 102. Ibid. p. 8. NOTES TO SECTION VI. 103. In the British Museum there are eight of these MSS., from ten to twelve in the different libraries of Cambridge, and as many in those of Oxford, etc. 104. In Walsingham's Historia Anglicana, under the year 1381. Ed., Riley, II., p. 33 f. 105. Comp. Introduction of Pickering to his edition of Pierce Plowman. London, 1856, I., xxviii. f. 122. E.g. Vs. 1901 f. The command of God to Saul in his war with the Amalekites, to put every man, woman, and child to death, as well as the cattle, is expressed thus :— "Burnes and bestes, 123. Walsingham, Historia Anglicana. Ed., Riley, I., 296. 124. Our citations are from the newest edition of the poem, 1856, by Thomas Wright, 2 vols. 8vo., London. This is properly a second edition, following upon that which was prepared by Pickering. The Introduction, from which we have derived several of the facts mentioned above, was drawn up by Pickering, after whose death Thomas Wright, the well-known historian of literature, took charge of the new edition. As early as the sixteenth century two different editions of the Vision appeared--the first, published in 1550, was edited by Crowley, and went through three editions in a single year. Crowley belonged to that estimable class of publishers who in the sixteenth century united in themselves the character of the scholar and author with that of printer and bookseller, and who deserved so well of literature. The other edition, which appeared in 1561, was also published in London by a famous printer, Owen Roger. In 1813 Whitaker published an edition of the book, upon the authority of a MS. which exhibits a peculiar recension of the text. 125. Passus xv., v. 10, 607; 10, 659. tradition of the Donation of Constantine. The poet proceeds upon the mediæval the Middle Age. Munich, 1863, p. 61. Like the poet of our "Visions," Dante, in the "Inferno," canto xix., v. 115, curses that Donation as the source of all the avarice and simony in the Church— "Ahi Costantin, di quanto mal fa matre The legend in particular of the angel's voice, "Hodie effusum venenum in ecclesia," is found in the scholastic divines, chroniclers, and poets of the thirteenth century. See Döllinger, as above. ADDITIONAL NOTES TO CHAPTER I., BY THE (1.) RICHARD FITZRALPH, Archbishop of Armagh— There are two well authenticated facts in the earlier life of this remarkable prelate left unmentioned by Professor Lechler, which it is desirable to bring into view. The first of these is his early connection with Balliol College, of which he was for some time a Fellow. This fact is distinctly stated in the following passage of Anthony Wood's History and Antiquities of the Colleges and Halls in the University of Oxford. Having stated the chief provisions of the original statutes of the college-those of the Lady Devorguilla-he goes on to say, that "the said statutes were for divers years kept inviolable, yet not so much but that divers of the said scholars, about forty years after, having raised some doubts from them, would not content themselves to study the liberal arts-only such that were performed in the schools of arts by artists according to the aptest sense of the statutes, but also would ascend to higher faculties, though prohibited so to do by the then extrinsic masters or procurators named Robert de Leycester, D.D., a Minorite, and Nicolas de Tingwyke, Doctor of Physic and Bachelor of Divinity. At length, the matter being controverted among them a considerable time, was in 1325 referred, with the procurators' consent, to two doctors and two masters that were formerly fellows of this house, Drs. Richard de Kamsale and Walter de Hockstow, who then, after both parties were heard, decided this matter in the Common Hall thus: That no Fellow of this house, whether Master or Scholar, learn any Faculty, or give his mind to it, either in full term or vacation, besides the liberal arts that by artists are read and practised in the School of Arts." The college incident here referred to occurred only about ten years before the coming of Wiclif to Oxford and his probable admission to Balliol, and will be found in the sequel to have a bearing upon the course of study through which Wiclif passed as a member of the University of Oxford. (Vide Additional Note to Cap. III.— Wiclif's connection with Balliol College.) As Fitzralph was undoubtedly a man of enlightened views, which were considerably in advance of his age, his connection with Balliol in the first quarter of the fourteenth century, taken along with Wiclif's in its second quarter, may serve to suggest that Balliol, then one of the youngest of the colleges of the University, was also one of the most free and liberal in its ideas; and probably, too, the remarkable impatience of divers of its scholars of |