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No. 13, Vol. 3.) LONDON, FRIDAY, JULY 21, 1820. [Price 6D.
DEFINITIVE PROCEEDINGS AGAINST THE QUEEN CONSIDERED, WITH THE STATE OF PUBLIC FEELING ON THIS SUBJECT.
The Hospital of Incurables, as Chesterfield calls them, alias, the House of Lords, have fixed on the 17th of August for the reading of the Queen's Divorce Bill, and at the same time, have given a flat refusal to furnish her Majesty with the slightest knowledge of who are the persons that have deposed against her, or what is the extent and nature of their depositions. Their excuse is of the old kind, that they have no precedent for such a step, and consequently cannot travel out of the ordinary course, whilst at the same time, every step that they have taken on the other side of the question, stands unprecedented and unparalleled! Yet these Lords call this justice and impartiality. And at the same time, express a hope that no noble or ignoble lord might be guided by any opinions out of doors! This is as much as to say, “for Heaven's sake let us keep up our old character, and exclude every thing from those walls, and from entering our doors, that bears an analogy with common sense or common honesty.”
Public feeling in behalf of the Queen is daily and hourly strengthened, whilst her oppressor daily loses ground. Caricatures in ridicule of the King are now exposed to sale, that were never paralleled before. Every day the public papers hint some distrust and fear on the part of the sovereign. We are told that he intended to review the foot guards on a certain day, but that some particular occurrence had come to light that prevented it. Again, that he intended to set out for Hanover, and empower the Duke of York to act in his absence during the autumn. The moment seems big with events and changes. This treatment of the Queen, and the
Printed by JANE CARLILE, 55, Fleet Street. Vol. II. No. 13.
irritation of the public mind in consequence of it, is a measure entirely of their own seeking. The King and his ministers cannot now complain of any other instigators than themselves in this business. It is just such an incident as was calculated to make the public odium and indignation universal against them, and to fan the mouldering fire into a blaze. The coronation is now put off by proclamation indefinitely, we might add, for ever and a day. We will venture a wager of ten to one that George the Fourth is never crowned in this country. His career as a king looks more like a farce than a reality: immense preparations are made all around him for the gratification of his whims and caprices, yel every object seems perverted from its original purpose by some hidden and unfore
Our courts of law are all thrown into confusion, and obliged to practice in some obscure place, to make way for the farce of a coronation, which is now deferred without any other cause than existed when the preparation commencel. It is the stinging cries of public distress that disturbs the tranquillity of the throne, and although its possessor might affect to turn a deaf ear to it, yet we venture to tell him, that lie never will sit easy unless he makes a thorough change in his system of government. He may scatter his thousands or his millions c: the public money amongst his favoured few, but this will not allay the gathering storm, but rather strengthen it. Ile has no other safe course to follow, but to retract and repent : : an humble and becoming submission to the public will, might procure him forgiveness, but perseverance, as at present, will hasten his ruin and downfall. It is singular that the very wile, whom lie now seeks to divorce and to disgrace, (pro tem.) bids fair to sit on the English throne in her own right, as the next heiress, after the extinction of the present family. Although divorced in the present year, it is very probable even, that in the next, the crown might be offered to her. We have very little hopes that the Divorce Bill will be rejected in such a parliament as the present, because, we know, and have seen, that they are sufficiently profligate and servile to act against the clearest testimony of innocence and right. Still this will matter nothing, the king and parliament must wipe off the disgrace which has so long hung about themselves before they can disgrace the Queen in the public mind. The more she suffers, the more will she be endeared to the nation. There never was in England a monarch more suspected and despised, nor a parliament more notoriously profligate than at present. Was it not that they hold the purse strings of the
nation, they would be kicked out of all power in a few hours, and fairly swept out of the country. At present their doom is sealed, and the herald approaching with it.
The Queen might rather rejoice than repent at the separation from a family so odious to the country; it is the only sure prospect of ending her days in peace and happiness. Whatever becomes of the present family, the sufferings of the Queen will ever entitle her to the protection and support of the English nation. At present she has every consolation that a philosophic mind might wish, whilst under a state of oppression. Her enemies are but few and vile, her friends are the people, the whole people, and nothing but the people, who forin the strength and bulwark of the nation. Addresses have poured in from all parts of the country to her, and it is worthy of notice, that the city of York, which did not deign to address the King on his ascension to the throne, has addressed the Queen, and expressed ils abhorrence of her enemies.
For the next month we shall have very little to offer on this subject, as the matter will in some measure rest until the evidence be about to be gone into. To us it appears incumbent, that the females should associate and address the Queen. It is natural that a more exquisite feeling should exist in their bosoms on this subject, than in those of their husbands, fathers, or brothers. It must also be more gratifying to the Queen to find a cherishment amidst her own sex, during this time of persecution and trial. Addresses might be handed about for signature without any previous public meeting, a small committee of ladies would be quite sufficient for the purpose. Every circumstance of this kind must tend to alleviate the wounded feelings of the Queen, and we sincerely hope, that in the ensuing month, she will be continually receiving deputations from some source or other. It will form the mosi powerful relief from that solitude which she must naturally and necessarily be subject to. Whenever she appears abroad, there is no fear but she will find sufficient cheering and applause to gladden her heart, but it forms a matter of course, that she should be confined at home, because, no one can arrange and devise her defence without her presence and assist
To us it appears as almost essential, that she should set aside all etiquette, and appear present in the Houses of Parliament, and hear what her, accusers have lo urge against her. Her presence would form the best cross-examination, and lend to battle that perjury which might otherwise be advanced with
an unblushing front. It is a delicate matter for an accused woman to hear, and no doubt but all women will be excluded, but we cannot help thinking, that it should not be so, that the House should be open to all who may be able to find room in it. Women are by far the best judges on such an occasion. Innocence knows no shame, and we should think it the best evidence that could be advanced in behalf of the Queen, to see her meet face to face any accusation which might be brought against her. A thousand things by way of exposure would enter her mind, that her counsel would not imagine nor dream of. There is no doubt but her judges would affect horror at her presence, but it would in some measure tend to check their profligacy. The advantage that would accrue to the Queen from her presence is scarcely calculable, and we speak feelingly on the subject, considering all the objections which might be urged against it, when we say, that the presence of the Queen, cannot be deemed reprehensible under the assumption, that she feels innocence on any charge which might be advanced against her. Courage is a natural supporter to innocence, and we should rejoice to see the Queen follow up her late laudable conduct on this occasion, and boldly resolve to face any accusation which might be brought against her. The virtuous heroine need blush at nothing, and as the baseness and treachery of the Queen's enemy, stands unparalleled in history, it becomes essential that her conduct should be equally unparalleled to meet him. We can feel somewhat of the hesitation which would strike the female mind, but it is the end and not the progress of such a proceeding which should be kept in view. All progressive proceedings will be swallowed up in the result, therefore the progress on both sides should be preparatory to the desired result. Justice is altogether out of the question: the Queen is to be tried by bribed and partial judges, every man of whom is in some measure dependent on her persecutor, and the evidence against her will be paid for in proportion to its strength. It is no ordinary case, and no ordinary or fastidious feelings should induce the Queen to abstain from witnessing the proceedings. On all trials of this kind, gold is a most powerful evidence, and the Queen has no gold at her command to support her. Innocence, courage, and honesty, forms for her the only barrier against the influence of a million of money, if a million could purchase her condemnation. On the trial of the editor of this publication, it was said, by an English Peer, on Monday the Ilth Oe
tober, the day preceding the commencement of the trial, that the government would not spare 50,0001. to obtain a verdict against him! The influence of a crown prosecution is incalculable by any others than those who are in the secret. If either of the editor's juries had acquitted him, they would have been marked and persecuted men, as far as the power of the government could have gone to injure them in mercantile pursuits, and on the other hand, they become favourites in obtaining contracts, and many other facilities in the way of business, which are known only to themselves. The Queen's jury, in a manner of speaking, are a jury of merchants, they are men who traffick for ribbands, pensions, and sinecures, in barter for which, they must sell their honesty, and support their facior in all demands. There is nothing like a fair trial to be obtained in the country, where the crown prosecules, every step that is taken is the work and result of interest, and not juslice. Mr. Brougham no doubt would feel shocked at the idea of the Quecn's presence to overlook him, but we repeat it as our humble opinion, that it would be an important step on the part of the Queen, to face her judges and accusers.
AN ARGUMENT SHOWING THAT A STANDING
ARMY IS INCONSISTENT WITH A FREE GOVERNMENT.
An old Pamphlet, under the above title has just passed through our hands, and the present state of public feeling, and the disposition of our military to turn their arms against the government, in imitation of the Spanish army, induces us to make a few extracts from it, and to follow it up with a few observations more adapted to the present time. The pamphlet was written in 1697, just as William the Dutchman bad driven his father-in-law, James the Second, out of Ireland, and peace was restored between France and these countries. The objection of the wriler is against keeping an army in time of peace, which then was under 10,000 men, and the pamphlet throughont displays a prophetic spirit of the consequences which the present state of England will fully elucidale. We shall first introduce the dedication as follows: " Dedication to all those whom it may concern.
Qui capit ille facit. "Wien I consider your great zeal to your country, low much you