Gaul, and being joined by profligates from every part of the empire, pillaged and laid waste that province. Being reduced to great straits by the exertions of Pescen'nius Niger, Mater'nus divided his men into several small bands, and marched privately with them by different ways into Italy, designing to murder Com'modus at a public festival, and in the confusion seize the empire. The conspirators reached Rome in safety, but just as the plot was on the point of exploding, they were betrayed by their accomplices, arrested, and put to death.

An alarming insurrection of the Roman populace, directed not so much against the emperor as his minister Clean'der was produced by the exhortations of an unknown woman. The prætorian horse charged the multitude, but were defeated with loss, as cavalry generally are when acting against a mob in narrow streets. Com'modus, alarmed by the tumult, sacrificed his minister, and the fury of the Romans was appeased.

Having formed the wild project of entering on the consular dignity armed as a gladiator, and marching in procession from the gladiatorial school instead of the palace, he was so enraged by the remonstrances of his concubine Mar'cia, that he resolved to put her to death. Having accidentally discovered her danger, she determined to murder Com'modus, and being aided by some officers of the household, strangled him in his bed (A. D. 192). No sooner was his death known, than the senate, without waiting for the return of day, assembled hastily, annulled his acts, ordered all his statues to be thrown down, and demanded that his body should be dragged through the streets and cast into the Tiber. The latter indignity was prevented by a private and hurried funeral.

• SECTION IV.-Foreign Commerce of the Romans in the age of the Antonines. Ir the reign of Augustus be justly celebrated for the perfection of Roman literature, those of the Antonines, including even that of the wicked Com'modus, deserve to be honored for the great improvements made in trade and commerce especially by the opening of new communications with India. Tad'mor, or Palmyra, the wondrous city of the desert, distant only eighty-five miles from the Euphrates, and about one hundred and seventeen from the nearest coast of the Mediterranean, was the centre of the trade between Europe and southern Persia, including the countries bordering on the Indus, and the districts now attached to the Bombay presidency. In consequence of the great exports that this trade naturally caused from the harbors of the Levant, great numbers of Syrian merchants settled in Rome, some of whom attained the highest honors of the state. It would appear that some merchants used a more northern route by the Caspian and Oxus; for we find the Roman geographers tolerably well acquainted with the countries that now form the kingdoms of Khiva and Bokhara. The great caravan route across Asia, however commenced at Byzantium (Constantinople), which was long the seat of flourishing commerce before it became the metropolis of an empire. Having passed the Bos'phorus, the merchant adventurers proceeded through Anatolia, and crossed the Euphrátes near Hierap'olis (Bambúch); thence they proceeded to Ecbatána (Hamadan), the ancient capital of the Medes, and Hecatompy'los (Damaghan), the me

tropolis of the Parthians. Thence they proceeded circuitously to Hyrcánia (Jorjan) and A'ria (Herat). Finally they came to Báctra (Balkh), long the principal mart of central Asia. From Báctra there were two caravan routes, one to north India, over the western part of the Himalaya, called the Indian Caucasus (Hindu Kush), the other toward the frontiers of Serica (China), over the lofty mountain-chain of Imäus (Belúr Tag), through a winding ravine which was marked by a celebrated station called the Stone Tower, whose ruins are said still to exist, under the name of Chihel Sútun, or the Forty Columns. Little was known of the countries between the Imaus and Ser'ica, which were probably traversed by Bactrian rather than European merchants; but the road was described as wonderfully difficult and tedious.

As the progress of the caravans was liable to frequent interruptions from the Parthians, and the conveyance of manufactured silks through the deserts very toilsome, the emperor Antonínus attempted to open a communication with the Chinese by sea. Of this singular transaction no record has yet been found in any of the Greek or Latin authors; but M. de Guignes discovered it stated in a very old Chinese historical work, that an embassy had come by sea from Antún, the king of the people of the western ocean, to Yan-ti, or rather Han-húán-ti, who ruled over China in the hundred and sixty-sixth year of the Christian era. The name and date sufficiently identify Antún with Antonínus, and the projected intercourse was well worthy the attention of that enlightened emperor; but nothing is known respecting the results of this embassy.

We have already mentioned the great increase of intercourse between Egypt and India, when the former country was governed by the Ptoleinies. The navigation was long confined to circuitous voyages round the peninsula of Arabia and the coasts of the Persian gulf; but about a century after the establishment of the Roman dominion, Har'palus, the commander of a ship long engaged in the Indian trade, observing the regular changes of the periodical winds, ventured to steer from the Angus'tiæ Dúræ (straits of Bab-el-Mandeb or "the Gate of Tears") right across the Erythræan sea (Indian ocean), and was wafted by the western monsoon to Musíris (Marjan), on the Malabar coast. This great improvement was deservedly regarded as of the highest importance; and the western monsoon received the name of Har'palus, in memory of the courageous navigator, who had turned it to such a good

account.

The route of the Egyptian trade under the Romans has been described with considerable accuracy by Pliny. Cargoes destined for India were carried up the Nile in boats to Cop'tos (Ghouft), thence they were transferred by caravans to My'os Hor'mus (Cosseir), or Berenice (Hubbesh). The latter, though the longer, was the more frequented road, because the Ptolemies had raised excellent stations and wateringplaces at convenient distances along the road. From Berenice the fleet sailed in June or July for O'celis (Gella), at the mouth of the Arabian gulf, and Cané (Fartash), a promontory and emporium on the southeast coast of Arabia Felix. Thence they steered right across the ocean for the Malabar coast, and usually made Musíris in forty days. They began their voyage homeward early in December, and generally

encountered more difficulty on their return on account of the unsteadiness of the winds.

The chief imports from India were spices, precious stones, and muslins. There is a singular confusion in the Latin authors between the finer cotton goods and manufactured silks, which has led to their mixing up the Chinese and Indian trade together. The principal exports were light woollens, chequered linens, glass, wine, and bullion.

Com'modus, with a providence which could scarcely have been expected from him, made some efforts to open the old Carthaginian trade with the interior of Africa; but the result of his labors is unknown. He also paid some attention to the corn-trade, so essential to the prosperity of his central dominions, when Italy had long ceased to produce sufficient grain for the support of its inhabitants; and he established a company to supply corn from northern Africa whenever the crops failed in Egypt.

The trade of the Black sea, so flourishing in the age of the Greek republics, appears to have been greatly diminished after the Romans became masters of the countries at both sides of the Egean; and it seems probable that little or no commerce passed through the straits of Hercules (straits of Gibraltar) into the Atlantic ocean. In consequence of this change, the amber-trade was transferred from the coasts of the northern sea to the banks of the Danube, and the barbarous tribes who brought it from the shores of the Baltic are said to have been astonished at the prices they received for what seemed to them so useless a commodity. Furs were purchased from the Scythian tribes; but this branch of trade appears never to have been of any great amount. The British tin-trade was rather neglected by the Romans; indeed, it appears to have been monopolized by the Gauls, and consequently was confined to the British channel. From this slight sketch it will be seen that the Romans were not naturally a mercantile people. We must now return to the history of the civil wars and revolutions which frustrated the plans of the Antonines for making commercial pursuits the source of unity and happiness to the empire.

SECTION V.-From the Extinction of the Flavian Family to the Establishment of Military Despotism, after the murder of Alexander Severus.

FROM B. C. 183 To A. D. 235.

AFTER the conspirators had murdered Com'modus, they proceeded to the house of Pub'lius Hel'vius Pertinax, and declared that they had come to offer him the empire, as being the person who best deserved sovereignty. Pertinax at first believed that this was some plot for his destruction; but on further inquiry, having learned that Com'modus was really dead, he proceeded to the prætorian camp, and was saluted emperor rather reluctantly by the guards. He met a much warmer reception from the senators, who expected that his firmness and virtue would be displayed in checking the turbulence of the soldiers, now the real masters of the empire. Nor did his conduct disappoint their expectations: he diminished the lavish expenditure of the palace, restored the property that his predecessor had unjustly confiscated to the rightful

owners, and punished those who, by false informations, had stimulated Com'modus to cruelty. These reforms endeared him to the senate and people, but provoked the anger of the turbulent prætorians: three days after his accession, they attempted to make Laciv'ius emperor, but that senator fled from their violence and sought shelter with Pertinax himself. Their next choice was the consul Fal'co, who showed equal reluctance to accept the precarious station. The emperor, to prevent the recurrence of similar outrages, prepared to restore the ancient military discipline but this exasperated the mutineers still more, and a party of them, breaking suddenly into the palace, slew Pertinax, after a brief reign of less than three months. The Romans lamented, but did not venture to revenge his death; most of the citizens shut themselves up in their houses, leaving the soldiers to choose a master for the empire at their discretion.

When the prætorians heard that Per'tinax was dead, they issued a proclamation, declaring that the empire was for sale, and would be given to the highest bidder. Did'ius Juliánus, the wealthiest man in Rome, offered to become a purchaser; his money, and his promise that he would restore all things to the condition in which they were under Com'modus, so pleased the dissolute soldiers, that they proclaimed him emperor, and compelled the senate to recognise their choice. But the Roman populace showed their indignation at this scandalous traffic by showering curses and reproaches on Did'ius whenever he appeared in public, and even assailing him with stones and other missiles. The weak emperor bore these attacks with great equanimity, relying for security on the prætorians, whose favor he secured by fresh largesses.

But though Did'ius, by the favor of the household troops, was able to secure himself in Rome, he could not secure the respect or allegiance of the provinces; and the distant armies, deeming that they had as good a right to confer empire as the prætorian cohorts, offered sovereignty to their commanders. Three competitors together appeared to contest the throne with the ambitious merchant; Clódius Albinus in Britain, Pescen'nius Níger in Syria, and Septim'ius Severus in Illyria. Did'ius prepared to meet the storm with more fortitude than could have been expected; he convoked the senate, and had Sevérus, the nearest of his rivals, declared a public enemy: he also sent deputies to exhort the Illyrian soldiers to return to their allegiance. But the unfortunate emperor was betrayed by his own officers; the deputies tendered their homage to Sevérus, and exhorted him to expedite his march toward Rome. The rapid advance of the Illyrians, the capture of Ravenna and the Roman fleet, and the desertion of the troops sent to guard the passes of the Apennines, so alarmed the prætorians, that they resolved to abandon Did'ius, and make terms with Sevérus. They communicated their resolutions to the consul, who forthwith convoked the senate. A decree was passed for the deposition and death of Did'ius, and ere it was enrolled, the band of executioners was on its march to the palace. Did'ius was found trembling and in tears, ready to resign empire, provided his life might be spared. At sight of the armed band, he exclaimed "What crime have I committed? whose life have I taken away ?" But his remonstrances were cut short, by one of the soldiers, who struck off his head. The body was exposed to insult and mockery

in the public streets, and thus ended the two months' reign of "the imperial merchant."

Sevérus, as he approached Rome, issued orders for the execution of all who had shared in the murder of Per'tinax, and for disbanding the prætorian cohorts; but he chose new guards, four times as numerous, in the place of those he had dismissed, which filled Rome with soldiers, and proved the fruitful source of many future disorders. Having conciliated Albinus by procuring for him the titles of Cæsar and emperor from the senate, he marched to contend against Pescen'nius Níger in the east, previously inducing the senate to declare him a public enemy. His progress appears to have been uninterrupted until he reached Cyz'icus, where he routed the lieutenant of his rival, and by this victory gained possession of lower Asia. Níger did not despair, but collecting a numerous army, occupied the mountain-passes between Cilícia and Syria, posting his main body along the Is'sus, where Alexander and Daríus had long before contended for the sovereignty of Asia. After several engagements, Níger was completely defeated: he attempted to seek safety among the Parthians, but was overtaken near Antioch, and put to death (A. D. 194). Sevérus made a cruel use of his victory, slaughtering without mercy all who had favored the cause of his competitor. Byzantium remained faithful to the defeated general even after his death: it sustained a siege of three years' duration; but was finally taken by storm, its inhabitants sold as slaves, and its walls levelled to the ground.

Thus successful, Sevérus resolved to destroy Al'binus, whose suspicions he had calmed while he was engaged in war with Níger. He first attempted to remove him by assassination; but Al'binus discovered the plot, and made vigorous preparations for open war. This second contest for empire was decided in Gaul; Al'binus, having been completely routed near Lugdúnum (Lyons), committed suicide; and Sevérus could only vent his brutal spite on a senseless carcass. The friends of Al'binus met the same fate as the partisans of Níger. Sevérus returned to Rome, where he insulted the senate by pronouncing a labored eulogy on Com'modus; and imitated that wicked monarch's example, by sentencing to a cruel death the most eminent of the nobility.

A war with Parthia recalled the emperor to Asia. He was accompanied by his sons Caracal'la and Géta, who were, like their father, learned in camps from infancy. Sevérus obtained distinguished success; he captured Seleúcia, Ctes'iphon, and Bab'ylon; but he was compelled to raise the siege of Hat'ra (Hadhr), which had previously baffled the exertions of Trájan. These exploits might have procured the empire all the advantages to be derived from the rule of a gallant soldier, had not Sevérus chosen for his prime minister Plautiánus, the captain of the prætorian guards: a man of insatiable avarice, whom he intrusted with almost absolute power. The ruin of the premier, however, was occasioned by the very means he took to confirm his security he procured the marriage of his daughter with Caracal'la; but the young prince, disgusted by her imperious temper, became the bitter enemy of her and Plautiánus. He soon inspired his father with a suspicion that the minister secretly aimed at empire; a charge to which the conduct of Plautiánus gave some color of probability; and when