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of those clerical and lay competitors who bid highest for popularity and pay best. The church has indeed a great mission to fulfil, in harmonizing the heterogeneous masses of society. But this is best accomplished by encouraging all modes of self-help among the working people, all institutions for mutual support, and by giving reasonable advice, calculated to make more generally known the dangers of over population, and the benefits of making timely provision against "a rainy day," by reserve funds set apart for this purpose.

In order to carry out a true state policy in dealing with the poor, it will become necessary to insist on a general system of provision being made for old age, and insurances, at the lowest possible rate, to be effected by the working people, so as by their own efforts to secure them against coming eventualities in their lifetime, and in case of death to ensure some sort of provision for their survivors. This would aid greatly in raising the national character, in heightening the value of labour, and in discouraging unproductive employment of labour at miserably low wages, just enough to keep people from starvation.*

Another improvement in the poor-law administra

* Mr. Fawcett, in the article already referred to, mentions the facilities for doing this by the working people availing themselves of the admirable scheme passed by Mr. Gladstone, for the creation of small annuities. "By the deposit of a small weekly sum, a man is able to secure a certain income, to commence at a time of life when it may be reasonably calculated that work will have to be discontinued. A government guarantee makes these annuities perfectly secure. This feeling of absolute security will powerfully stimulate prudential habits on the part of the working men." He shows also how the millions annually spent in drink would more than suffice to effect the insurances here recommended.

tion might be introduced, by giving employment in exceptional cases to such labourers as are thrown out of work unexpectedly, in public works; but in such a manner as not to interfere with private enterprise by the competition of the state. The present workhouse system, with its deterring influences scarcely works in a satisfactory manner, and those who least deserve it are often made the victims of its stern provisions, whereas state employment in public works would be a more profitable undertaking in itself, and a more congenial mode of providing a temporary livelihood for those whom peculiar circumstances have thrown out of employment without any fault of theirs.

We ought to mention likewise, that many benevolent institutions, such as foundling hospitals, which ignore the duties of parents and so stimulate over population, and hospitals of every kind, admitting the poor freely within their walls, are instrumental in lowering factitiously the price of labour. Higher wages would have to be paid if the able-bodied labourer had to provide for himself the medical attendance and other things required in times of illness. Institutions of this sort there must be, but a wiser and more effectual charity would establish them rather to assist and supplement that which cannot be obtained by the poor man's savings and struggles for independence, making the latter a test for his admission. His moral consciousness and self-respect would thereby be increased, and benevolence would help him to acquire and improve that moral self-restraint which is the supposed antidote to the tendency to over population.

There will be always objects remaining which require public and private liberality worthier, and in their effect vastly more beneficial and lasting, than that of in

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discriminate charity so called, in every shape and form, on a larger or a smaller scale.

These are some of the social reforms which demand the attention of politicians and philanthropists. But there is one more reform to be mentioned, which is not a reform of, but in the state, namely, the reform of the present system of taxation. National debts incurred in consequence of expensive wars, or wasteful warlike preparations, cause the imposition of taxes which in their nature fall often most heavily on the masses of the people. The military absolutism which prevails now in nearly every country of Europe, and makes armed neutrality a necessity even in those countries which are least disposed to keep up standing armies, increases the burdens of every nation. It moreover prevents the full development of human productivity, in keeping the flower of the land, its youth, under arms, instead of allowing them to follow their respective callings in the best years of their life. Moreover, the millions squandered in the creation and partial liquidation of debt flow chiefly into the pockets of unproductive speculators and members of the plutocracy who rule the money market. The huge sums of money which the state spends in this way are in a great measure obtained by indirect taxation; that is, ordinary commodities consumed daily in every household, however humble, are heavily taxed, and the poor man feels, out of all proportion, the burdens of the state.

We shall not enter here into a critical comparison of direct and indirect taxation, and the cognate questions in connection with this controversy; we can only express the hope, that in view of an early discussion of general taxation in the British House of Commons, the claims of the people to be relieved from some of the most noxious imposts may not be ignored, and measures may be intro

duced,* recognising the solidarity of interests of high and low, rich and poor, so that a wisely adjusted distribution of national burdens may assist indirectly in bringing about a more equalized distribution of income among all classes. This would do much towards reconciling antagonistic interests, and draw together into more amicable relations the possessing and non-possessing classes, the capitalists and the wages labourers. This too would inspire the masses with confidence towards their rulers, and thus add another safeguard to property in disarming popular passion fanned by popular grievances. We may hope that the author of "Sybil," called to the helm of public affairs by the voice of the people, will not lose sight of this, but see a means in the settlement of this question, with a due regard to all interests, of helping in bringing about a reunion of "the two nations."

* The total abolition of the sugar duties, which has received the sanction of Parliament since the above was written, may be regarded as the earnest of better things to come on the presentation of the Budget on a future occasion.

CONCLUSION.

FROM the foregoing pages it will appear then that the way to a true social reform does not lead over the ruins of existing capitalism, nor that it is to be effected by destroying those institutions which have existed from times immemorial—the state, the corporation and the family—which collectively, aided by liberality, form already a sort of "socialism." Still less does social reform imply retrogressive measures in the direction of a primitive and monotonous communism. On the contrary, it is to be brought about by developing a thorough personal individualization, by defining more accurately their proper spheres to the several forms of industry, property, and income, and by fostering a healthily vigorous action and mutual reaction among them, and thus joining the utmost personal self development with the most effectual conservation of society, and combining the highest productivity of natural resources with a happily balanced increase of population. A destructive, reactionary communism, on the other hand, would lead to unproductivity, proletarian over population, barbarism, and an equality indeed, in which all would be equally unfree and equally poor.

The leading idea throughout these pages has been that the urgent need of the present time is an awakening, at all points of the social periphery, of new forces, all concentrated towards the same point, the introduction that is of a new healthy middle class, corresponding to the modern requirements of our present advanced civil

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