to society. Where ground-rent rises to an extraordinary extent, without any effort on the part of the possessor, a progressive mode of taxation may be adopted as an exceptional means of equalization.

The real equalization of income, or a more even distribution of property, is not to be sought in confiscation and reactionary reform in a communistic direction, but rather in a more extensive participation of the lower classes in a general system of co-operative agriculture. In such a system every individual member has a share in the profits, and draws a portion of ground-rents. This may not be equally applicable to the case of ground-rents for building in towns; but the difficulty here may be obviated by appropriate special taxation.

Thus here again the advantages of the federal system make themselves felt in a more proportionate reward of labour, in a more equalized distribution of the groundrent, and a more careful guarding against impoverishment and misery which is now occasioned by every new mechanical discovery. For the co-operative system of production is surrounded by a circle of other associations for the purpose of insurance and mutual assistance. The money-making tendency of capitalism, which allows an undue accumulation of profit, rent, and interest, or dividends, in the hands of few, is limited by the cooperative association which tends to provide rather a moderate income for the many. It gives no encouragement to brutal resistance on the part of labour towards capital; it rather demands an important moral and intellectual elevation of the labouring classes themselves. To quote the words of J. Stuart Mill: "If the improvement which even triumphant military despotism has only retarded, not stopped, shall continue its course, there can be little doubt that the status of hired labourers will

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gradually tend to confine itself to the description of workpeople whose low moral qualities render them unfit for anything more independent, and that the relation of masters and workpeople will be gradually superseded by partnership in one of two forms: in some cases association of the labourers with the capitalist; in others and perhaps finally in all, association of labourers among themselves."*

Nor need there be any fears entertained for existing forms of property in consequence of the assumption of proprietary rights by the present non-possessing classes. The nature of their collective property differs but very little in kind from private property in our existing capitalistic system. The creation of a federal form of property, itself developed out of capitalism, exercises a healthy influence on the various forms of capitalistic industry. It lays the basis for the most general and the most productive development in the superintendence and performance of labour. Without limiting individual liberty, it establishes a social solidarity of interests, and thus assists at the same time the self-development of the individual and the common interests of society. It collects with organized regularity the small contributions of saving individualities into the savings bank of the association. It arms with this fund, which is carefully and constitutionally secured against outward influences, all with proportionate requisites and instruments for producing wealth and diffusing general prosperity. It combines some of the advantages of individualism and communism. The totality of human interests is not here overlooked, and personal rights are not drowned in

* J. S. Mill," Principles of Political Economy," Book IV., chap. vii., § 4, page 461, People's edition.

the public weal. Private and collective property coexist side by side, both equally sacred in the eyes of the law. Competition between the societary and capitalistic forms of industry will exercise a most salutary influence in purifying these forms of many of their abuses, and in removing the last remnants of injustice which cleave to them, and thus contributing towards the attainment of the great object of every branch of social science, the highest material and mental improvement of the individual and the race.

Whether this progress has been more or less impeded by the recent attitude of the labouring classes themselves, and whether or not we are entitled, from what we know of their tendency to materialistic views, to entertain very sanguine hopes as to the ultimate realization of the prospects just delineated, is a question not easily answered. At all events for the present, in order to the reconciling of the antagonism between capital and labour, a transition from our existing modes of carrying on industry to the co-operative system is not so much a pressing necessity as the organization of the labour market and the adjustment of wages, which forms the subject of fierce controversy between employers and employed at the present day.

The discussion of this subject, and that of social reform, we reserve for the next chapter.

CHAPTER IV.

Social Politics.-The Influences of Civilization and Religion.Church and State.-The Social Duty of the Clergy.—Functions of the State in general.-Utopias only reject all State Help.-Special Cases requiring State Help in the Solution of the Social Question.-Right of Combination among the Labourers.-Courts of Conciliation.-Wages in Connection with the Equilibrium of Population.-Legal Reforms regarding the Family Rights of Women and Children.-Reform of the Poor Laws.-Reduction of the National Burdens, and remarks on Taxation generally.

THE labourer's question is not a question for the political economist alone, nor is it to be solved solely from a purely economic point of view. On the contrary, its solution is to be found in the joint operation of all the civilizing forces in society contributing towards this end. All the civilizing influences of our day must be brought to bear on social reform; science, literature, the press, art, education, and the church with its religious incentives all these have a share in bringing about a more healthy condition among the lower strata of society. Happily, they all with the best intentions are beginning the work, although their efforts are as yet too sporadic and imperfect to be of very considerable use. Their co

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operation in a more systematic manner, their acting together with as much good sense as now they are acting separately with a right good will, is still required in order to ensure social progress and a cessation of social strife.

This is not the place for treating on the importance

of cultivating better tastes, and encouraging a greater appreciation of the fine arts among the masses, so as to let in more sweetness and light into their daily life, and improving their condition, although much might be said on the influence of æsthetic enjoyments in lifting the working man out of the mire of proletarian degradation.*

A more general diffusion of economic knowledge, a better education in the technical arts, and an increased awakening of political interest among the masses, important as they are, will prove to be insufficient in themselves for healing the sores of the social body politic; the softening influences of higher culture too must exercise their important office in soothing, refining, and elevating humanity.

Upon this we cannot enter at large now. The influences of church and state, the vocation of the church in the discussion, and the province of state interference in the settlement, of social questions, shall form the only subjects of this our concluding chapter. First, then, with regard to the church.

Theologians differ very much in their appreciation of this subject, one extreme section of the clergy abstaining altogether from, and the other meddling perhaps too much with, the social politics of the day. In Germany the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Mayence, engaged in a mortal strife with the liberal party, represents the latter. In his writings there is a tendency towards siding with the social democrats, as the best means perhaps of attacking an unbelieving plutocracy.†

*On this subject see Mr. Ruskin's charming little book on "The Political Economy of Art."

In a speech of his, published under the title, "Liberalismus, Socialismus, und Christenthum." 1871.