the chair, and at the same time, he requested permission to plead, in another place, his excuses and inability to discharge the office, which he used to do on being presented to the king." He goes on to say, a little after, "Sir John Cust was the last speaker who addressed the throne in the language of diffidence, of which the following sentence may serve as a specimen; I am now a humble suitor to your majesty, that you would give your faithful commons an opportunity of rectifying this, the only inadvertent step which they can ever take, and be graciously pleased to direct them to present some other to your majesty, whom they may not hereafter be sorry to have chosen, nor your majesty to have approved."" See Blackstone's Commentaries, vol. I. page 181, note. But all this I had seen without going to England, in Bundleborough, my dear native town.

Our sharpest debates, as in the British parliament, used to be about money matters. This was wont to call forth all the eloquence of the house, and sometimes exhaust the whole session of six hours. Sometimes Dr. Snivelwell would want to have his salary raised; for the whole town was but one parish. Sometimes our schools must be multiplied, and sometimes a new road was to be laid out. In all these debates, there were two parties, the savers and the spenders; and each of them guided, notwithstanding their professions, a little by private interest. Those gentlemen, whose property was invisible and paid the

smallest taxes, in proportion to their wealth, were always most ready to vote away the town's money; whereas the farmer, whose purse was small and whose lands must be taxed, was invariably the most parsimonious and saving.

commons.

I remember I used to compare our venerable clergyman to the king; his church to the house of lords; and the people, in town-meeting assembled, to the Our reverend king was very willing to have his salary increased; the church were not very adverse to it, or, at least, less so than the lower house; but the commons were always griping the pursestrings. Thus we had deep management and warm debates.

It was curious sometimes to notice the mistakes made by rustic eloquence. Great liberties were often taken with the king's English, and we used to show that we were true freemen, by violating the laws of language. I recollect the discussion was once respecting continuing our schools throughout the year; when one gentleman remarked that we were an ancient, growing town, and needed two annual schools; when an honest farmer started up, and said, “that for his part, he never went to an animal school, nor his father before him; and he did not see why our children should need animal schools. He thought we had better save our money, and leave animal schools to the Boston fops, who needed them." On another occasion, it was objected to an agricultural gentleman,

who had made a speech rather inconclusive in its reasoning, that his ground was not tenable. "Not tillable, Mr. Moderator," said he; "I own as much tillable ground as any other man; I pay the largest tax of any one in town; and, Sir, is it to be objected to me, that my ground is not tillable?" So the worthy man, like some logicians, found his mistake to be an error in terminis.

There was one famous speaker in our rustic senate, who was accustomed to attract great attention. He went by the name of the learned cobbler. He had a thin person, a loud voice, a meagre and haggard look, and as much brass in his face, as prevented him from ever being abashed. He was always in the opposition; and had he been in the British parliament, would soon have been in the ministry. His gesticulation was very vehement; and I remember a part of his speech against raising our minister's salary. "Turn your eyes," said he, "my fellow-townsmen, to Bunker Hill." [Which, by the way, was far enough out of sight, but he obviously meant the eyes of the imagination.] "On that consecrated ground, our fathers poured out their blood, in crimson torrents, for the cause of liberty; for liberty they faced their British foes; for liberty they fought and for liberty they bled. For liberty, Warren lay a breathless corps on the cold ground, sprinkled by the dews of the night, and making the green sod his immortal pillow. For liberty they resisted the stamp-act. Yes, liberty

was the goddess at whose shrine they poured the sacrifice of their blood, and the incense of their prayers. Yes. They did-and shall we now be slaves?" This speech must appear very beautiful, when we remember it was made on a motion to add twenty-five dollars per annum to a clergyman's salary.

THE PURITAN.

No. 45.

I would be worldly wise; for the other wisdom,
That does prescribe us a well-governed life,
And to do right to others, as ourselves,

I value not an atom.

Massenger.

AMIDST all the character that have passed under my inspection, I know of none more disgusting and contemptible, than a thorough-going politician. Politics, in all the forms of the science, from the management of the parish to the rival candidates for the highest chair in the nation, sharpens the envy, extinguishes the benevolence of men, and makes them arithmetical machines, moving only by their interest, without one impulse from the benevolence of a generous heart.

I have already mentioned squire Wilson, our moderator, who was a true specimen of a politician on a small scale, and in a humble sphere. The squire