acceptable to and sustained by the Executive Government of the nation. I distinctly stated that this was not the only plan which might possibly be acceptable; and I also distinctly protested that the Executive claimed no right to say when or whether members should be admitted to seats in Congress from such States. This plan was, in advance, submitted to the then Cabinet, and distinctly approved by every member of it. One of them suggested that I should then, and in that connection, apply the Emancipation Proclamation to the theretofore excepted parts of Virginia and Louisiana; that I should drop the suggestion about apprenticeship for freed people, and that I should omit the protest against my own power, in regard to the admission of members of Congress; but even he approved every part and parcel of the plan which has since been employed or touched by the action of Louisiana. The new Constitution of Louisiana, declaring emancipation for the whole State, practically applies the proclamation to the part previously excepted. It does not adopt apprenticeship for freed people, and it is silent, as it could not well be otherwise, about the admission of members to Congress. So that, as it applies to Louisiana, every member of the Cabinet fully approved the plan. The message went to Congress, and I received many commendations of the plan, written and verbal; and not a single objection to it, from any professed emancipationist, came to my knowledge, until after the news reached Washington that the people of Louisiana had begun to move in accordance with it. From about July, 1862, I had corresponded with different persons, supposed to be interested, seeking a reconstruction of a State government for Louisiana. When the message of 1863, with the plan before mentioned, reached New Orleans, General Banks wrote me that he was confident the people, with his military cooperation, would reconstruct substantially on that plan. I wrote him and some of them to try it. They tried it, and the result is known. Such only has been my agency in getting up the Louisiana government. As to sustaining it, my promise is out, as before stated. But, as bad promises are better broken than kept, I shall treat this as a bad promise, and break it, whenever I shall be convinced that keeping it is adverse to the public interest. But I have not yet been so convinced. I have been shown a letter on this subject, supposed to be an able one, in which the writer expresses regret that my mind has not seemed to be definitely fixed on the question whether the seceded States, so called, are in the Union or out of it. It would, perhaps, add astonishment to his regret were he to learn that, since I have found professed Union men endeavoring to answer that question, I have purposely forborne any public expression upon it. It appears to me that question has not been, nor yet is, a practically material one, and that any discussion of it, while it thus remain practically immaterial, could have no effect other than the mischievous one of dividing our friends. As yet, whatever it may hereafter become, that question is bad, as the basis of a controversy, and good for nothing at all-a merely pernicious abstraction. We all agree that the seceded States, so called, are out of their proper practical relation with the Union, and that the sole object of the Government, civil and military, in regard to those States, is to again get them into that proper practical relation. I believe it is not only possible, but in fact easier to do this without deciding or even considering whether these States have ever been out of the Union, than with it. Finding themselves safely at home, it would be utterly immaterial whether they had ever been abroad. Let us all join in doing the acts necessary to restoring the proper practical relations between these States and the Union, and each forever after innocently indulge his own opinion whether, in doing the acts, he brought the States from without into the Union, or only gave them proper assistance, they never having been out of it. The amount of constituency, so to speak, on which the new Louisiana Government rests, would be more satisfactory to all if it contained fifty, thirty, or even twenty thousand, instead of only about twelve thousand, as it does. It is also unsatisfactory to some that the elective franchise is not given to the colored man. I would myself prefer that it were now conferred on the very intelligent, and on those who serve our cause as soldiers. Still the question is not whether the Louisiana government, as it stands, is quite all that is desirable. The questions are: "Wid it be wiser to take it as it is, and help to improve it, or to reject and disperse it?" "Can Louisiana be brought into proper practical relation with the Unioa sooner by sustaining or discarding her new State government?" To Some twelve thousand voters in the heretofore slave State of Louisiana have sworn allegiance to the Union, assumed to be the rightful political power of the State, held elections, organized a State govern ment, adopted a free State constitution, giving the benefit of public schools equally to black and white, and empowering the Legislature to confer the elective franchise upon the colored man. Their Legislature bas already voted to ratify the constitutional amendment, recently passed by Congress, abolishing slavery throughout the nation. These twelve thousand persons are thus fully committed to the Union, and to perpetual freedom in the State; committed to the very things and nearly all the things the nation wants, and they ask the nation's recognition and its assistance to make good their committal. Now, if we reject and spurn them, we do our utmost to disorganize and disperse them. We, in effect, say to the white man, "You are worthless, or worse; we will neither help you, nor be helped by you.' the blacks we say, "This cup of liberty, which these, your old masters, hold to your lips, we will dash from you, and leave you to the chances of gathering the spilled and scattered contents, in some vague and undefined when, where, and how." If this course, discouraging and paralyzing both white and black, has any tendency to bring Louisiana into proper practical relations with the Union, I have, so far, been unable to perceive it. If, on the contrary, we recognize and sustain the new government of Louisiana, the converse of all this is made true. We encourage the hearts and nerve the arms of the twelve thousand to adhere to their work, and argue for it, and proselyte for it, and fight for it, and feed it, and grow it, and ripen it to a complete success. The colored man, too, in seeing all united for him, is inspired with vigilance, and energy, and daring to the same end. Grant that he desires the elective franchise, will he not attain it sooner by saving the already advanced steps toward it than by running backward over them? Concede that the new Government of Louisiana is only to what it should be as the egg is to the fowl, we shall sooner have the fowl by hatching the egg than by smashing it. (Laughter.) Again, if we reject Louisiana, we also reject one vote in favor of the proposed amendment to the national Constitution. To meet this proposition, it has been argued that no more than three-fourths of those States which have not attempted secession are necessary to validly ratify the amendment. I do not commit myself against this further than to say that such a ratification would be questionable, and sure to be persistently questioned; while a ratification by threefourths of all the States would be unquestioned and unquestionable. I repeat the question, "Can Louisiana be brought into proper practical relation with the Union sooner by sustaining or by discarding her new State Government?" What has been said of Louisiana will apply generally to other States. And yet so great peculiarities pertain to each State, and such important and sudden changes occur in the same State, and, withal, so new and unprecedented is the whole case, that no exclusive and inflexible plan can safely be prescribed as to details and collaterals. Such an exclusive and inflexible plan would surely become a new entanglement. Important principles may and must be inflexible. In the present situation, as the phrase goes, it may be my duty to make some new announcement to the people of the South. I am considering, and shall not fail to act when satisfied that action will be proper. At the same time proclamations were issued relative to closing the Southern ports, in which the Government claimed to exercise the same legal authority over them as over other ports of the United States, and also declaring that in future foreign cruisers would receive in ports of the United States the same treatment which in their ports was given to cruisers of the United States. About the same time, April 13th, an order was issued from the War Department, stopping all drafting and recruiting, curtailing the purchase of military stores, etc. But the time was now close at hand when the duty of restoring the integrity of the country was to pass into other hands. On April 15th, Vice-President Johnson, then in Washington, received the following letter: WASHINGTON CITY, D. C., April 15, 1865. SIR: Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, was shot by an assassin last evening at Ford's Theatre, in this city, and died at the hour of twentytwo minutes after seven o'clock this morning. About the same time at which the President was shot an assassin entered the sick-chamber of the Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, and stabbed him in several places-in the throat, neck, and faceseverely if not mortally wounding him. Other members of the Secretary's family were dangerously wounded by the assassin while making his escape. By the death of President Lincoln the office of President has devolved under the Constitution upon you. The emergency of the Government demands that you should immediately qualify according to the requirements of the Constitution, and enter upon the duties of President of the United States. If you will please make known your pleasure, such arrangements as you deem proper will be made. Your obedient servants, HUGH MCCULLOCH, Sec. of the Treasury, To Hon. ANDREW JOHNSON, Vice-President of the United States. Mr. Johnson, in answer, appointed 11 o'clock, A. M., at his rooms at the Kirkwood Hotel, as the time and place when he would take the oath of office. It was duly administered to him by Chief Justice Chase, in presence of the Cabinet and several members of Congress. He then said: Gentlemen, I must be permitted to say that I have been almost overwhelmed by the announcement of the sad event which has so recently occurred. I feel incompetent to perform duties so important and responsible as those which have been so unexpectedly thrown upon me. As to an indication of any policy which may be pursued by me in the administration of the Government, I have to say that that must be left for development, as the administration progresses. The message or declaration must be made by the acts as they transpire. The only assurance that I can now give of the future, is by reference to the past. The course which I have taken in the past, in con nection with this rebellion, must be regarded as a guaranty for the future. My past public life, which has been long and laborious, has been founded, as I in good conscience believe, upon a great principle of right, which lies at the basis of all things. The best energies of my life have been spent in endeavoring to establish and perpetuate the blessings of free gov. ernment; and I believe that the Government, in passing through its present trials, will settle down upon principles consonant with popular rights, more permanent and enduring than heretofore. I must be permitted to say, if I understood the feelings of my own heart, I have long labored to ameliorate and alleviate the condition of the great mass of the Amergreat principles of free government, have been my ican people. Toil, and an honest advocacy of the fot. The duties have been mine-the consequences are God's. This has been the foundation of my political creed. I feel that in the end the Governwill be permanently established. ment will triumph, and that these great principles In conclusion, gentlemen, let me say that I want your encouragement and countenance. I shall ask, and rely, upon you and others, in carrying the Gov. ernment through its present perils. I feel, in making you and all other patriots and lovers of the rights this request, that it will be heartily responded to by and interests of a free people. Unparalleled as were the excitement and regret produced by this death, the details of which will be found elsewhere (see LINCOLN, ABRAHAM), the authority of the nation, without any formal parade or ceremony, was thus quietly transferred to other hands. The Cabinet of Mr. Lincoln continued unchanged through the year. Much interest was immediately awakened in President on the state of the country, and the the public mind to learn the views of the plan to be pursued in the restoration of the union of the States. Delegations of citizens from several States waited upon him and tendered their hearty support, to whom he said, in most explicit terms, that his past course must be an indication of what his future would be. To a delegation of citizens of New Hampshire he said: I have now, as always an abiding faith in the ultimate triumph of justice and right, and I shall seek the inspiration and guidance of this faith, in the assured belief that the present struggle will result in the permanent establishment of our Government, and in making us a free, united, and happy people. This Government is now passing through a fiery, and, let of endurance, and will determine whether it can do us hope, its last ordeal-one that will test its powers what its enemies have denied-suppress and punish treason. This is the trial through which we are now passing, and, if we are true to ourselves and the principles upon which the Constitution was framed, who can doubt that the Government will settle down upon a more enduring basis than its best friends have dared to hope for it? In entering upon the discharge of the grave duties before me, it has been suggested and even urged by friends whose good opinions I value, and whose judg ment I respect, that I shall foreshadow the policy that would guide me, in some formal, public manifesto. But who could have foretold the events of the past four years? Who was wise enough to indicate beforehand a line of policy adapted to all the changing emergencies of that period? It is not in the wisdom and foresight of man to prescribe a course of action in advance for such disturbed and perilous conditions as now distract public affairs. I believe I may say that my past life is known to the country, |