the magnificent historic fight of our epoch-the fight for socialism, for communism * * * is guided by the teachings of Lenin and of his great continuer Stalin. It is led by parties of Marxism-Leninism, by Communist and workers parties (Alexander Bittelman, Lenin's Teachings and the Liberation of Humanity, Political Affairs, January 1952, p. 1).

Lenin's teachings are true. They are scientific. They represent the ideology of the most progressive class in our society, the working class. That is why the teachings of Lenin are capable of being a guide to action-a guide to progressive and revolutionary action by the working class and its allies under the leadership of the vanguard parties of the working class. That is why Lenin's teachings are inspiring and guiding all the great progressive and liberating struggles of our epoch, the struggles of peace, democracy, national freedom and independence, and socialism.

That is also why the monopolists, imperialists, and warmongers, the gang now dominating and ruling the United States, are persecuting those who believe in and advocate Lenin's teachings. That is the reason why this gang of merciless exploiters of the people is seeking to suppress altogether, and, in fact, to outlaw the belief in, and advocacy of, the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin. * * *

The Communists believe in and advocate the teachings of Lenin.

The Communists are determined vanguard fighters for peace, democracy, against fascism, for the equal rights of the Negro people and for the defense and protection of the people's living standards.

Therefore, say the ideologists and executioners of the growing police state in the United States, declare Leninism a criminal conspiracy and put the advocates of Leninism in jail.

In the process of realizing this declaration, the minions of the police state who are mutilating and destroying the Bill of Rights of the American people wholesale and retail, the masters of graft and corruption in public life, have found it necessary to create their own version of Leninism, built on fraud, falsification, and frame-up. The product of these efforts was an ugly caricature resembling some kind of gangster's gadget for the commission of murder, robbery, and other violent deeds. This is Leninism, say the ideologists and executioners of the police state, a gadget for violent deeds, for the violent overthrow of the government. And in doing so, the governmental agents of the warmongering and fascistminded monopolies reveal to the world their own criminal and gangster concept of theory as a device and tool for violent deeds (ibid., pp. 1, 2).

* * the version of Leninism, the ugly caricature of Marxism-Leninism, framed up by the persecutors of communism in the United States, is based, not on the Communist concept of theory, but on pragmatism and positivism, the concepts and ideologies of the warmongering and fascist-minded American monopolies.

For the primary requisite of a theory for Communists is that it be objectively true. It must be scientific. It must correctly reflect the objective nature of things and processes. It must correspond to the objective nature of things. Hence, the criterion of practice lies at the basis of the materialist-the MarxistLeninist-theory of knowledge. Communists test the truth of their ideas and theories in practice. When a Marxist-Leninist idea succeeds in practice, we have demonstrated that the idea corresponds to the objective nature of things, that there exists a correspondence between our ideas and the objective nature of the things we perceive (ibid., p. 3).

Theory for Communists must be capable of guiding the practice, the practical activities, of the working class, its allies, its vanguard party. * * *

Theory for Communists, in that it is objectively true, is revolutionary theory. This must not be confused with the police-state caricature of Marxism-Leninism as a device for the violent overthrow of the Government. Our theory is a revolutionary theory, first, because it correctly and truthfully reflects the historical process of the decline and disappearance of the capitalist system of society and of the rise and consolidation of the new, the Socialist, system of society; secondly, because it guides the actions and struggles of the revolutionary class in society, the working class, in alliance with all exploited classes and groups and peoples, against imperialism and capitalism, against class exploitation and national oppression, and for the establishment of socialism as the first stage of communism. This theory is Marxism, further developed and enriched by Lenin and Stalin for the epoch of imperialism and proletarian revolution. And what is Marxism? "Marxism is the science of the laws of development of nature and society, the science of the revolution of the oppressed and exploited masses, the science of

the building of Communist society" (Joseph Stalin, Marxism and Linguistics, International Publishers, 1951, p. 47) (ibid., p. 4).

New experience and knowledge, new formulas and deductions these are the methods of living science, of Marxism. Lenin and Stalin have given the world the greatest and most profound scientific results by embodying new experiences and knowledge into new Marxist formulas and deductions. This is creative Marxism, the Marxism of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin.

Leninism is the Marxism of the epoch of imperialism and proletarian revolution. It is the only Marxism of our time.

Lenin and his great continuer, Stalin, have developed fully the theory of the proletarian dictatorship by means of which the working class carries through the socialist revolution and the transformation from capitalism to socialism. They have demonstrated that the Soviet form of the proletarian dictatorship is the most advanced and perfect state form, foreseeing at the same time that the present epoch will bring forth new and different forms of working-class rule in accord with the conditions of the various periods and the national peculiarities of each country. Lenin and his great continuer, Stalin, have created and rendered concrete the teachings of the role of the revolutionary party of the working class as the leading factor in the struggle for the victory of the proletarian revolution, as the leading and guiding force in socialist society, as the inspirer and organizer of the victory of socialism *** (ibid., p. 5).

Leninism is not a dogma but a guide to action. This is what Lenin said about Marxism. Having mastered the theory of Marxism, Lenin has developed it further to meet the needs and solve the new problems raised by the new epochthe epoch of imperialism and proletarian revolution. He has raised the theory of Marxism to unprecedented heights, making it the guide and inspiration of millions upon millions of people all over the world.

This is also Stalin's understanding of Marxism. He speaks of creative Marxism, not dogmatic. He says: "The Marxist-Leninist theory is not a dogma but a guide to action" (History of the C. P. S. U., p. 356). But what is a guide to action? The ideologists and executioners of the American police state have sought to make their own "contribution" also on this point. And for very practical purposes: to promote further the destruction of the Bill of Rights, to hasten the outlawing of the teachings of Marxism-Leninism and the imprisonment of its advocates.

Consequently, the scientific proposition that Marxism-Leninism is not a dogma but a guide to action became transformed in the hands of the persecutors of communism into another little gangster-gadget for the commission of crime, for the violent overthrow of the Government.

The police state reasoning runs something like this: Theory is not a dogma but a guide to action. What action? Revolution. What is revolution? Force and violence. Hence, concludes the police state, guide to action means guide to force and violence. And on the basis of this crude and ugly caricature of MarxismLeninism, produced by means of fraud, falsification, and frame-up, an attempt is made to outlaw an American political party, to outlaw the teaching of a social science and to put in jail the advocates of this advanced social science * ** (ibid., pp. 6-7).

What then is the real meaning of the scientific proposition that MarxismLeninism is not a dogma but a guide to action?

It means, first of all, that Marxism-Leninism is a science, not a collection of dogmas or articles of faith.

The Marxist-Leninist theory is the science of the development of society, the science of the working-class movement, the science of the proletarian revolution, the science of the building of the Communist society" (ibid., p. 355).

It means, secondly, that in order to use Marxism-Leninism as a guide to action, it is necessary to master Marxist-Leninist theory. But what do we mean by mastering Marxist-Leninist theory?

"Mastering the Marxist-Leninist theory does not at all mean learning all its formulas and conclusions by heart and clinging to their every letter. To master the Marxist-Leninist theory we must first of all learn to distinguish between its letter and substance.

"Mastering the Marxist-Leninist theory means assimilating the substance of this theory and learning to use it in the solution of the practical problems of the revolutionary movement under the varying conditions of the class struggle of the proletariat” (ibid., p. 355) (ibid., p. 7).

Take for example the Marxist-Leninist theory of the socialist revolution and the proletarian dictatorship. This is a scientific theory. It has therefore universal validity, i. e., it correctly reflects the historical system of society and the

rise and consolidation of the socialist system. Consequently, this theory is capable of serving as a guide to action to the working class and their vanguard parties in all countries in the advance toward socialism.

Not as a dogma or device or blueprint, but as a guide to action. And here is how Lenin himself understands it.

The working class of each country advances towards victory over the bourgeoisie "in its own way." "" Marxist-Leninists must "take into account both the main fundamental task of the struggle * * * and the specific features which this struggle assumes * * * in each separate country" ("Left-Wing" Communism-An Infantile Sickness, p. 72).

Further: Communists must find "such an application of the fundamental principles of Communism (Soviet power and the dictatorship of the proletariat) as will correctly modify these principles in certain particulars, correctly adapt and apply them to national and national-state differences." The main tasks of Communists is to find that "which is peculiarly national, specifically national in the concrete manner in which each country approaches the fulfillment of the single international task." Finally, the Communists must seek out "the forms of transition or approach to the proletarian revolution" (ibid., p. 73).

Hence, mastering Marxist-Leninist theory means learning to use this theory in the solution of the practical problems of the class struggle under the varying and different conditions of each country and period. But it means more than that. "Mastering the Marxist-Leninist theory means being able to enrich this theory with the new experience of the revolutionary movement, with new propositions and conclusions, it means being able to develop it and advance it without hesitating to replace in accordance with the substance of the theory-such of its propositions and conclusions as have become antiquated by new ones corresponding to the new historical situation" (History of the C. P. S .U., p. 356).

The truth of the foregoing has been magnificently demonstrated by the leadership and work of Lenin and Stalin. Leninism itself-the Marxism of our timeis the product of this sort of mastery of Marxism, as is the further development of the theory by Stalin" (ibid., pp. 7-8).

In summary rebuttal of the foregoing, we may note:

(1) "The Communists believe in and advocate the teachings of Lenin."

(2) Lenin teaches the overthrow and destruction of government by force and violence, as evidenced by his statements set forth in the next section of this paper.

(3) Stalin supports and reiterates Lenin's teaching on force and violence and, with Lenin, rejects "peaceful means," as evidence set forth in subsequent sections demonstrates.

(4) Neither Lenin nor Stalin has diminished the substance of Marxist-Leninist theory on violent proletarian revolution; in fact, they have intensified it, ruling out possible "exceptions" to the law of violent revolution.

(5) Communists admit that Marxism-Leninism is their guide to action. Naturally there will be some differences in application of the theory in different countries, at different times. But the Communists themselves demand that the substance—the fundamental principlesbe at all times preserved. And that substance calls for the use of force and violence in overthrowing non-Communist governments.

III. COMMUNIST "CLASSICS" TEACH AND ADVOCATE THE OVERTHROW AND DESTRUCTION OF GOVERNMENT BY FORCE AND VIOLENCE

A. TEACHINGS OF MARX AND ENGELS

The highly authoritative History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks) summarizes the teachings of Marx and Engels on the question of force and violence:

Marx and Engels taught that it was impossible to get rid of the power of capital and to convert capitalist property into public property by peaceful means, and

that the working class could achieve this only by revolutionary violence against the bourgeoisie, by a proletarian revolution, by establishing its own political rule the dictatorship of the proletariat—which must crush the resistance of the exploiters and create a new, classless, Communist society (History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks), p. 9. (New York: International Publishers, 1939)).

As evidence of how highly the Communist Party, USA regards the above-cited work, we may note the following:

A theoretical contribution of Stalin which, like the Foundations of Leninism and his other theoretical works, ranks with the fundamental theoretical and philosophical works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin is the History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The history is a fountain-head of Marxist-Leninist knowledge theory, ideology, strategy, tactics, principles of organization. It is a guide to Marxist-Leninist action. It embodies the theoretical and programmatic positions of Marxism-Leninism (Alexander Bittelman, Stalin: On His Seventieth Birthday, Political Affairs, December 1949, p. 8).

Lenin summarizes the teachings of Marx and Engels on the issue of force and violence in these terms:

*

* it was Marx who taught that it is not enough for the proletariat simply to conquer state power in the sense that the old state apparatus passes into new hands, but that the proletariat must smash, break this apparatus and substitute a new one for it.

Kautsky abandons Marxism for the opportunists, because precisely this destruction of the state machine * * * completely disappears from his argument, and he leaves a loophole for them which enables them to interpret "conquest" as simply winning a majority (V. I. Lenin, The State and Revolution, Selected Works, vol. VII, p. 105. (New York: International Publishers, 1943)).

Everything Marx and Engels preached for forty years, from 1852 to 1891, demonstrating the necessity for the proletariat to "smash" the bourgeois state machine, has been completely forgotten, distorted, and thrown overboard by Kautsky the renegade (V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. XXIII, p. 233. (New York: International Publishers, 1945)).

We have already said above, and shall show more fully later, that the doctrine of Marx and Engels concerning the inevitability of a violent revolution refers to the bourgeois state. The latter cannot be superseded by the proletarian state (the dictatorship of the proletariat) in the process of "withering away"; as a general rule, this can happen only by means of a violent revolution. The panegyric Engels sang in its honour, and which fully corresponds to Marx's repeated declarations (recall the concluding passages of The Poverty of Philosophy and The Communist Manifesto, with their proud and open declaration of the inevitability of a violent revolution; recall Marx's Critique of the Gotha Programme of 1875, in which, almost thirty years later, he mercilessly castigates the opportunist character of that programme)-this panegyric is by no means a mere "impulse," a mere declaration or a polemical sally. The necessity of systematically imbuing the masses with this and precisely this view of violent revolution lies at the root of the whole of Marx's and Engels' doctrine * * * (V. I. Lenin, The State and Revolution, Selected Works, vol. VII, p. 21 (New York: International Publishers, 1943). Note: Engels' "panegyric" on violent revolution is set forth on the page following this one.)

In view of the highly authoritative character of the foregoing "summaries" of the teaching of Marx and Engels on force and violence, no further quotations in this connection may be necessary. However, selected quotations from the works of Marx and Engels themselves are now set forth in the event they are demanded by anyone challenging the proof.

Force is the midwife of every old society pregnant with a new one. It is itself an economic power (Karl Marx, Capital, vol. I, p. 824. (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr & Co., 1906)).

The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communist revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a

world to win (Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto, p. 44. (New York: International Publishers, 1948)).

* *

For Herr Dühring force is the absolute evil; the first act of force is for him the original sin; his whole exposition is a jeremiad on the contamination, which this brought about, of all subsequent history by this original sin That force, however, plays another role in history, a revolutionary role; that, in the words of Marx, it is the midwife of every old society which is pregnant with the new, that it is the instrument by the aid of which social development forces its way through and shatters the dead, fossilised, political forms of this there is not a word in Herr Dühring. It is only with sighs and groans that he admits the possibility that force will perhaps be necessary for the overthrow of the economic system of exploitation unfortunately, because all use of force, forsooth, demoralises the person who uses it. And this in spite of the immense moral and spiritual impetus which has resulted from every victorious revolution.

* *

*

(F. Engels, Herr Eugen Dühring's Revolution in Science (also known as "AntiDühring"), p. 203. (New York: International Publishers, 1939). Notes: 1. The foregoing is the panegyric on violent revolution to which Lenin referred in the quotation on the page before this one. 2. Engels went on to characterize Dühring's negative attitude toward violent revolution as "this parsons' mode of thought-lifeless, insipid and impotent *.")

* *

* * the antagonism between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie is a struggle of class against class, a struggle which carried to its highest expression is a total revolution. Indeed, is it at all surprising that a society founded on the opposition of classes should culminate in brutal contradiction, the shock of body against body, as its final denouement?

Do not say that social movement excludes political movement. There is never a political movement which is not at the same time social.

It is only in an order of things in which there are no more classes and class antagonisms that social evolutions will cease to be political revolutions. Till then, on the eve of every general reshuffling of society, the last word of social science will always be: "Le combat ou la mort, la lutte sanguinaire ou le neart. C'est ainsi que la question est invinciblement posee."-George Sand. (Karl Marx, The Poverty of Philosophy, p. 147. (New York: International Publishers, no date; printed in the U. S. S. R.) Notes: 1. The quotation from George Sand is translated in a footnote, same page: "Combat or death: bloody struggle or extinction. It is thus that the question is inexorably put." 2. Lenin referred, in a quotation given earlier above, to Marx's statement in the "concluding passages" of The Poverty of Philosophy, relative to violent revolution; the quotation immediately above is from the last three paragraphs of that book.)

Between capitalist and communist society lies the period of the revolutionary transformation of the one into the other. There corresponds to this also a political transition period in which the state can be nothing but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat. (Karl Marx, Critique of the Gotha Programme, (New York: International Publishers, 1938).)

p. 18.

B. TEACHINGS OF LENIN

In view of Foster's statement that one of the Communist books which speaks out frankly and forthrightly concerning Communist policy on the question of force and violence is Lenin's The State and Revolution, quotations will be limited to that work. It (The State and Revolution) is set forth in volume VII of Lenin's Selected Works published by International Publishers, New York City, 1943. Page numbers which appear in parentheses after quotations set forth below are from that volume of Selected Works. Separate editions in book and pamphlet form are also available. It is noted that Foster stated that this is one of the books which the party circulates daily. "The state is the product and the manifestation of the irreconcilability of class antagonisms. The state arises when, where, and to the extent that class antagonisms cannot be objectively reconciled (p. 8).

* * *

* * * if the state is the product of irreconcilable class antagonisms, if it is a power standing above society and "increasingly alienating itself from it," it is clear that the liberation of the oppressed class is impossible, not only without a violent revolution, but also without the destruction of the apparatus of state power which