DOCUMENTARY PROOF THAT THE COMMUNIST PARTY, USA, TEACHES AND ADVOCATES THE OVERTHROW AND DESTRUCTION OF THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT BY FORCE AND VIOLENCE

INTRODUCTION

The purpose of this brief paper is to set forth documentary proof that the Communist Party, USA, teaches and advocates the overthrow and destruction of the United States Government by force and violence.

With reference to documentation, the aim is to provide quotations which are authoritative, brief, clear and conclusive. A vast abundance of additional source material of a documentary nature is, of course, available. However, it is not deemed either necessary, to prove the points made, or advisable, lest the text be unduly lengthened.

The Communist Party, USA, accomplishes the teaching and advocacy of the overthrow and destruction of the United States Government by force and violence through the circulation of Communist "classics" and through urging the study of these works as "guides to action."

The proof is set forth along the following lines:

1. The head of the Communist Party, USA, states that:

(a) the Communist "classics" (works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin) contain the fundamental principles and program of communism. They are accepted by all Communist Parties, including the Communist Party, USA. They are adapted strategically and tactically, to the given situation in any country. (b) Communists set forth their policy on force and violence with "complete frankness." The party daily circulates "classics" which speak out "forthrightly and frankly" upon the question of force and violence.

2. The works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin do indeed teach and advocate the overthrow and destruction of government by force and violence, as evidenced by quotations from and/or authoritative Communist statements regarding those works.

3. Lenin and Stalin both specifically reject "peaceful means." Both insist on the necessity for violent revolution.

It may be noted that the Communist Party, USA, also teaches and advocates the overthrow of government by force and violence by means of its schools, where these "classics" are used, and where lectures and study outlines are based on them. This paper, however, is not devoted to these schools, but to the presentation of documentary proof of teaching and advocacy accomplished through the circulation of these "classics," which contain Marxist-Leninist teaching on violent revolution, for study and application by Communists.

With reference to the italicized portions of the text of quotations set forth herein, said portions appear in italics in the original.

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I. NATURE AND ROLE OF THE COMMUNIST "CLASSICS"

William Z. Foster, chairman of the Communist Party, USA, made the following statement concerning the works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin in 1949:

These books are Communist classics. They contain the fundamental principles and program of communism. They are universal in their scope and they are accepted by all Communist Parties, including our own. They are the scientific guides of humanity to a freer, fuller life. They must be read, however, in the light of the actual situations to which they are applied. We American Communists apply them strategically and tactically in the need of specific American conditions (Wm. Z. Foster, In Defense of the Communist Party and the Indicted Leaders, pp. 10-11 (New York: New Century Publishers, July 1949)).

To demonstrate how the last two sentences in the foregoing quotation in no way militate against the applicability of the fundamental principles and program of communism to the American scene, we may cite Stalin's definitions of strategy and tactics:

Strategy is the determination of the direction of the main blow of the proletariat at a given stage of the revolution, the elaboration of a corresponding plan for the disposition of the revolutionary forces (the main and secondary reserves), the fight to carry out this plan throughout the given stage of the revolution (J. Stalin, The Foundations of Leninism, in Problems of Leninism, p. 68 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1947)).

Tactics are the determination of the line of conduct of the proletariat in the comparatively short period of the flow or ebb of the movement, of the rise or decline of the revolution, the fight to carry out this line by means of replacing old forms of struggle and organization by new ones, old slogans by new ones, by combining these forms, etc. While the object of strategy is to win the war * * tactics concern themselves with less important objects, for they aim not at winning the war as a whole, but at winning a particular engagement, or a particular battle, at carrying through successfully a particular campaign or a particular action corresponding to the concrete circumstances in the given period of rise or decline of the revolution. Tactics are a part of strategy, subordinate to it and serving it (J. Stalin, The Foundations of Leninism, in Problems of Leninism, p. 70. (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1947)).

The customary Communist "dodge" on the question of force and violence is that the capitalist class will be the first to use violence, and the Communists will respond with violence; that the Communists prefer peaceful means, but that in the face of capitalist violence, force will be necessary.

William Z. Foster quotes Joseph Stalin as having "correctly put the question of the Communists' attitude toward violence" in his interview with H. G. Wells in 1934. Note that even in this text it is admitted that the "old system" is defending itself. (Thus the Communists are the aggressors, although they try by means of cunningly phrased arguments and allegations to disavow their advocacy of overthrow of government by force and violence.)

"Communists do not in the least idealize the methods of violence. But they, the Communists, do not want to be taken by surprise, they cannot count on the old world voluntarily departing from the stage, they see that the old system is violently defending itself, and that is why the Communists say to the working class: Answer violence with violence; do all you can to prevent the old dying order from crushing you, do not permit it to put manacles on your hands, on the hands with which you will overthrow the old system" (All in italics in original) (William Z. Foster, In Defense of the Communist Party and the Indicted Leaders, pp. 22-23. (New York: International Publishers, July 1949). Note: Foster gives as his source for the above quotation: Marxism vs. Liberalism, p. 17, New Century. This interview of Stalin by H. G. Wells was published by New Century Publishers, New York City, in September 1947).

II. COMMUNIST "CLASSICS" CONTAIN STATEMENTS REFLECTING COMMUNIST PARTY POLICY CONCERNING FORCE AND VIOLENCE: THESE "CLASSICS" ARE CIRCULATED DAILY

William Z. Foster declared in 1949:

Communist Parties always enunciate their policies with complete frankness, as the Communist Manifesto so dramatically points out. If any books speak out more forthrightly and frankly upon the question of force and violence than Lenin's State and Revolution or Stalin's Foundations of Leninism (which we daily circulate), I cannot imagine what they could be (William Z. Foster, In Defense of the Communist Party and the Indicted Leaders, p. 25. (New York: New Century Publishers, 1949)).

It may be noted, by way of potentially necessary rebuttal, that, although Foster subsequently found it necessary to publish a few "clarifications" (Political Affairs, June 1950, pp. 14-31) concerning the above-cited pamphlet, he in no way modified the statements already quoted herein. As a matter of fact, his "clarifications" appear to be clearly designed to make certain that party members were not misled by his devious double-talk employed to "defend" the party leaders.

The Communist Party, USA, has taught and advocated the overthrow of government by force and violence by urging "independent self-study" of the Marxist-Leninist "classics," and attendance at party schools where these "classics" are studied. It has urged that the principles acquired be applied in practice.

In November 1947, in preparation for the centenary of The Communist Manifesto, William Weinstone wrote an article in the party's monthly theoretical organ, Political Affairs, concerning Independent Self-Study of Marxism. He listed the main Marxist-Leninist "classics" and indicated ways in which they should be studied. A few of his statements are set forth:

Naturally, to master Marxism and apply it effectively, one should know everything that Marxists have written. All students, particularly youth, as Lenin advised, should aspire to reach the luminous heights of the science-studying not only the works of Marxism, but the best works of all humanity. But one acquires a working knowledge of Marxism after reading a reasonable number of works, and fuller understanding and depth comes with further study and application of the acquired knowledge in practical work (William Weinstone, Independent Self-Study of Marxism, Political Affairs, November 1947, p. 1041).

Independent self-study does not exclude attending schools and classes. In fact, study in schools and classes is extremely helpful in acquiring Marxist knowledge and the habit of theoretical study. However, it is only possible thoroughly to master Marxism by individual reading. In the last analysis, it is only through individual effort in reading, thinking, and working over the material, that one acquires a deep knowledge of the science. Students who have gone through shorttime training schools would do well to read or reread the classics that they studied in part before continuing with wider reading, (ibid., footnote, p. 1040).

* *

Fortunately, the best popularizations of the basic views of Marxism-Leninism have been provided by the great teachers themselves. That is why reading the original works is the best, and in the long run the shortest, route to take. There is really no short-cut to knowledge * (ibid., p. 1044). * * * Lenin did not hesitate on the basis of new phenomena to develop the doctrines of Marx further. He did not add any new principles; he developed and made more concrete the doctrines in the new conditions of the class struggle under imperialism. He modified some individual propositions and opinions of Marx and Engels that had been outworn because they were arrived at under one set of circumstances and no longer applied in the same way to the new conditions. He formulated the theory of the possibility of victory of socialism in one or several countries, further developed the Marxist teachings on the dictatorship of the proletariat, on the role of the proletariat as leader of all the oppressed, on the

national and colonial question, and the nature of the party of the proletariat under imperialism—all of which make up Leninism, which is Marxism of the epoch of imperialism and the proletarian revolution. Stalin and other followers of Lenin have since advanced Marxism still further in the two decades since the death of Lenin, likewise modifying some individual judgments of Lenin and adding new

ones.

In the same way, in matters of tactics and strategy, Lenin studied Marx's teachings dialectically. He studied them in relation to the times, comparing the situation in which Marx wrote with the current period, discovering similarities and differences, and at all times taking the peculiarities of each country into account while resolutely safeguarding the principles of Marxism against revisionism. Lenin rebuked those who mechanically tried to apply the tactics proposed for one country as an absolute guide for another without regard to time or conditions * * * (ibid., pp. 1044-1045).

* * * one must know both the general laws of Marxism and the history and development of one's own country. The laws of Marxism are universally applicable and are "general guiding principles which in detail must be applied in England in a manner different from that applied in France, in France in a manner different from that applied in Germany, and in Germany in a manner different from that applied in Russia" (Lenin).

This means that only he can lay claim to the title of Marxist in the United States who knows, not only the general writings of Marxism but the history of his own land, and who tries to apply these writings to the solution of the problems of America * * (ibid., p. 1046).

With reference to the foregoing, it may be noted that the principles, the laws, of Marxism are universally applicable and essentially unchanged. The differences in application are only matters of detail. The question of force and violence is hardly a matter of detail.

With reference to the alleged modifications of "some individual propositions and opinions of Marx and Engels" by Lenin, it shall be shown in the next section of this paper that Lenin eliminated "exceptions" to the general law of violent revolution. Stalin has followed Lenin on this point.

At the close of his article Weinstone engages in what may have been an attempt to disavow party responsibility for his instruction; he describes his instruction as "one man's opinion." This "one man" is no mere rank-and-filer. He was once a teacher in the Lenin School in Moscow, and has long been one of the outstanding figures in Communist schools in this country.

The following material is set forth at considerable length because it is authoritative and current (1952) teaching of the Communist Party, USA, in which the party declares:

1. Complete adherence to Marxism-Leninism-the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin;

2. its advocacy of those teachings; and

3. its use of those teachings as a guide to action in preparation for the proletarian revolution.

Another reason why it is set forth in extenso is because it reflects the current arguments and allegations by means of which the party seeks, deceptively, to accomplish two ends at the same time:

1. to go on record as teaching the principles of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin, and the use thereof as a guide to action;

2. and, at the same time, by means of devious dialectical 'dodges," to confuse the nonparty reader on the issue of force and violence, with a view to avoiding prosecution.

The writer of the following material, Alexander Bittelman, is one of the party's outstanding authorities on Marxism-Leninism. He is presently under indictment in New York, charged with a violation of the Smith Act of 1940: