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history of literature. And to this we must add the further circumstance that the Greek mind was not particularly remarkable for precocity in any field except war and statesmanship. We do, indeed, find instances of comparatively juvenile authorship, but none, I believe, of a Greek writer, whether poet, historian, or philosopher, who reached the full maturity of his powers before a considerably advanced period of middle age. That the Ethics is very imperfect I fully admit, and have expressly maintained against its numerous admirers in the course of this work. But, although imperfect, it is not crude. It contains as good a discussion of the subject undertaken as Aristotle was ever capable of giving, and its limitations are not those of an unripe intellect, but of an intellect at all times comparatively unsuited for the treatment of practical problems, and narrowed still further by the requirements of an elaborate speculative system. Now to work out this system must have demanded considerably more labour and independent thought than one can suppose even an Aristotle to have found time for before thirty-three; while the experience of life shown in the Ethics is such as study, so far from supplying, would, on the contrary, have delayed. Moreover, the Rhetoric, which was confessedly written before the Ethics, exhibits the same qualities in about an equal degree, and therefore, on Teichmüller's theory, testifies to a still more extraordinary precocity. And there is the further circumstance that while Aristotle is known to have begun his public career as a teacher of rhetoric, his earliest productions seem to have been of a rather diffuse and declamatory character, quite opposed to the severe concision which marks the style both of the Rhetoric and of the Ethics. In addition to these general considerations, one may mention that in a

well-known passage of the Ethics, referring to a question of logical method (I., iv.), Plato is spoken of in the imperfect tense, which would seem to imply that he was no longer living when it was written. Speaking from memory, I should even be inclined to doubt whether the mention of a living writer by name at all is consistent with Aristotle's standard of literary etiquette.

These are difficulties which Teichmüller has, no doubt, fully weighed and put aside as not sufficiently strong to invalidate his conclusions. I have stated them in order to show that enough can be said for the old view to justify the republication of what was written on the assumption of its unquestionable truth. Moreover, researches conducted with so much skill and learning as those of Teichmüller demand some public acknowledgment in a work like the present, even when the results are such that the writer cannot see his way to accepting them as satisfactorily made out. There are many English scholars more competent than I am to discuss the whole question at issue. Perhaps these lines may induce some of them to give it the attention which it merits, but which, in England at least, it does not seem to have as yet received.

My obligations to other writers have been acknowledged throughout this work, so far as I was conscious of them, and so far as they could be defined by reference to specific points. I take the present opportunity for mentioning in a more general way the valuable assistance which I have derived from Schwegler's Geschichte der Griechischen Philosophie, Lange's Geschichte des Materialismus, and Dühring's Geschichte der Philosophie. The parallel between Socrates, Giordano Bruno, and Spinoza was probably suggested to me

by Dühring, as also were some points in my characterisation of Aristotle. As my view of the position occupied by Lucretius with respect to religion and philosophy differs in many important points from that of Prof. Sellar, it is the more incumbent on me to state that, but for a perusal of Prof. Sellar's eloquent and sympathetic chapters on the great Epicurean poet, my own estimate of his genius would certainly not have been written in its present form and would probably not have been written at all.

On the whole, I am afraid that my acquaintance with the modern literature of the subject will be found rather limited for an undertaking like the present. But I do not think that wider leading in that direction would have much furthered the object I had in view. That object has been to exhibit the principal ideas of Greek philosophy in the closest possible connexion with the characters of their authors, with each other, with their developments in modern speculation, with the parallel tendencies of literature and art, with the history of religion, of physical science, and of civilisation as a whole. To interpret all things by a system of universal references is the method of philosophy; when applied to a series of events this method is the philosophy of history; when the events are ideas, it is the philosophy of philosophy itself.

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1. Strength and universality of the Greek intellect, 1-Specialisation of

individual genius, 2—Pervading sense of harmony and union, 3-Circumstances

by which the intellectual character of the Greeks was determined, 3-Philosophy

a natural product of the Greek mind, 4-Speculation at first limited to the external

world, 4-Important results achieved by the early Greek thinkers, 5-Their con-

ception of a cosmos first made science possible, 6-The alleged influence of

Oriental ideas disproved, 6.

II. Thales was the first to offer a purely physical explanation of the world, 7

-Why he fixed on water as the origin of all things, 8-Great advance made by

Anaximander, 9-His conception of the Infinite, 9-Anaximenes mediates between

the theories of his two predecessors, 10-The Pythagoreans: their love of anti-

thesis and the importance attributed to number in their system, 11-Connexion

between their ethical teaching and the general religious movement of the age, 13

-Analogy with the mediaeval spirit, 13.

III. Xenophanes his attacks on the popular religion, 14-Absence of

intolerance among the Greeks, 15—Primitive character of the monotheism taught

by Xenophanes, 16-Elimination of the religious element from philosophy by

Parmenides, 16-His speculative innovations, 17-He discovers the indestructi-

bility of matter, 17—but confuses matter with existence in general, 18—and more

particularly with extension, 19—In what sense he can be called a materialist, 19——

New arguments brought forward by Zeno in defence of the Eleatic system, 20-

The analytical or mediatorial moment of Greek thought, 21-Influence of Par-

menides on subsequent systems of philosophy, 22-Diametrically opposite method

pursued by Heracleitus, 22-His contempt for the mass of mankind, 22-Doctrine

of universal relativity, 23-Fire as the primordial element, 24—The idea of Law

first introduced by Heracleitus, 25-Extremes to which his principles were after-

wards carried, 25-Polarisation of Greek thought, 26.

IV. Historical order of the systems which succeeded and mediated between

Parmenides and Heracleitus, 26— Empedocles : poetic and religious cha'acter of

his philosophy, 27-His inferiority to previous thinkers, 28-Eclectic tendency of

his system, 29-In what respects it marks an advance on that of Parmenides,

29-His alleged anticipation of the Darwinian theory, 30-The fixity of species a

doctrine held by every ancient philosopher except Anaximander, 31-The theory

of knowledge put forward by Empedocles : its objective and materialistic character,

32-How it suggested the Atomic theory, 33-The possibility of a vacuum denied

by Parmenides and asserted by Leucippus, 34-The Atomic theory developed and

applied by Democritus: encyclopaedic range of his studies, 35-His complete re-

jection of the supernatural, 36.

V. Anaxagoras at Athens, 36--He is accused of impiety and compelled to

fly, 37-Analysis of his system, 38-Its mechanical and materialistic tendency, 39

-Separation of Nous from the rest of Nature, 40-In denying the divinity of the

heavenly bodies, Anaxagoras opposed himself to the universal faith of antiquity,

40-The exceptional intolerance of the Athenians and its explanation, 42-Tran-

sition from physical to dialectical and ethical philosophy, 43.

VI. Early Greek thought as manifested in literature and art, 45-The genea-

logical method of Hesiod and Herodotus, 47-The search for first causes in Pindar

and Aeschylus, 48-Analogous tendencies of sculpture and architecture, 49-

Combination of geographical with genealogical studies, 50-The evolution of order

from chaos suggested by the negative or antithetical moment of Greek thought, 50

-Verifiable and fruitful character of early Greek thought, 52.

I. The reaction of speculation on life, 53-Moral superiority of the Greeks to

the Hebrews and Romans, 54-Illustrations of humanity from the Greek poets,

55-Temporary corruption of moral sentiment and its explanation, 56- Subsequent

reformation effected by philosophy, 57-The Greek worship of beauty not incom-

patible with a high moral standard, 58-Preference of the solid to the showy

virtues shown by public opinion in Greece, 59-Opinion of Plato, 60.

II. Virtues inculcated in the aphorisms of the Seven Sages, 62-Sôphrosynê

as a combination of moderation and self-knowledge, 62-Illustrations from Homer,

62-Transition from self-regarding to other-regarding virtue, 63-How morality

acquired a religious sanction (i.) by the use of oaths, 64-(ii.) by the ascription

of a divine origin to law, 65—(iii.) by the practice of consulting oracles on questions

of right and wrong, 65-Difference between the Olympian and Chthonian religions,

66 The latter was closely connected with the ideas of law and of retribution

after death, 67-Beneficent results due to the interaction of the two religions, 68.

III. The religious standpoint of Aeschylus, 69-Incipient dissociation of

religion from morality in Sophocles, 70-Their complete separation in Euripides,

71-Contrast between the Eteocles of Aeschylus and the Eteocles of Euripides, 72—

Analogous difference between Herodotus and Thucydides, 73-Evidence of moral

deterioration supplied by Aristophanes and Plato, 74--Probability of an association

between intellectual growth and moral decline, 75.

IV. The Sophists, 76--Prodicus and Hippias, 77 --Their theory of Nature as

a moral guide, 79-- Illustration from Euripides, 80-Probable connexion of the
Antithesis between Nature and Law, 81 Oppo-

Cynic school with Prodicus, 81

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