such marriages are almost always put to death, probably by the kinsfolk of the higher class, in order that their own importance may not suffer from intermixture with an inferior rank.1 When we are told that in Hawaii the dignity of chief is inherited through the mother, it must be understood that preference is given to those of the chief's children whose mother is of the highest rank.2 "The wife does not share her husband's rank. The rank of the child is decided by certain definite laws, generally by that of its mother, but also in some cases by that of the father. A woman of noble family who marries one of the common people loses her rank in the event of bearing children to him, in which case she and her children are degraded to her husband's class. The right of inheritance is not decided by priority of birth, but by the fact that the mother is of higher rank than the other wives." 8 This is also the case at King's Mill and in New Zealand. In the latter country, the man who marries into another tribe or clan takes up his abode in it, and is thenceforward reckoned with his wife's family. It is also usual for the wife to raise her husband to her own rank, while this is not done by the husband.5 This fact has been regarded as a survival of a clearly established female line, and a sign of the earlier pre-eminence of the wife; but it seems to me to imply precisely the opposite. Only the prevalent custom of ascribing the child to its father would induce the kinsfolk of a woman of high rank to adopt her husband, in order not to lose their hold upon the children. If the female line were about to disappear, the growing claims of the husband would lead to the adoption of his wife by his own family. It has been supposed that the strongest proof of the Ellis, vol. i. p. 256; vol. iv. p. 411. 3 Chamisso, vol. ii. p. 275. 4 Wilkes, vol. v. p. 85. Rienzi, vol. iii. p. 142. 2 Varigny, p. 14. female line is to be found among the Fiji Islanders, but here also the spirit of mature criticism is wanting. We are told that the king is succeeded by his brother, and by his eldest son only in the event of his leaving no surviving brother. The mother's rank and some other circumstances may, however, cause this rule to be violated, so that the younger is preferred to the elder brother.1 The chief's practice of extensive polygamy makes it desirable to establish the child's rank by a reference to its mother.2 The female line cannot be deduced from these customs, but a stronger proof is afforded by the institution of the Vasu, which is described as follows:- "Most prominent among the public notorieties of Fiji is the Vasu. The word means a nephew or niece, but becomes a title of office in the case of the male, who, in some localities, has the extraordinary privilege of appropriating whatever he chooses belonging to his uncle, or those under his uncle's power. Vasus are of three kinds the Vasu taukei, the Vasu levu, and the Vasu; the last is a common name, belonging to any nephew whatever. Vasu taukei is a term applied to any Vasu whose mother is a lady of the land in which he is born. The fact of Mbau being at the head of Fijian rank gives the Queen of Mbau a pre-eminence over all Fijian ladies, and her son a place nominally above all Vasus. No material difference exists between the power of a Vasu taukei and that of a Vasu levu, which latter title is given to every Vasu born of a woman of rank, and having a first-class chief for his father. Vasu taukei can claim anything belonging to a native of his mother's land, excepting the wives, home, and land of a chief. . . . However high a chief may rank, however powerful a king may be, if he has a nephew he has a master, one who will not be content with the name, but who will exercise : 1 Williams and Calvert, p. 18. Appendix XXVI. Rienzi, vol. iii. p. 286. Morgan, Systems, p. 582; Anc. Soc., p. 375. 2 Williams and Calvert, p. 26. Appendix XXVII. his prerogative to the full, seizing whatever may take his fancy, regardless of its value or the owner's inconvenience in its loss. Resistance is not thought of, and objection only offered in extreme eases. Thokonauto, a Rewa chief, during a quarrel with an uncle, used the right of Vasu, and actually supplied himself with ammunition from his enemy's stores." 1 It cannot be denied that this great power of the sister's son is very remarkable, and at the first glance it seems only possible to explain it by assuming that there was a peculiar sanctity in the tie of kinship between the man and his sister's son. The extent of the claim is astonishing-a claim which no son would venture to put forward; and this is the more remarkable since the sister's son is not the uncle's heir. In all other cases in which the female line divides father and son, in order to tighten the bond between the mother's brother and sister's son, the analogy with the male line is maintained; that is, the uncle exerts his authority over the sister's son, whereas in this instance their positions are reversed. This arouses a suspicion that ideas unconnected with the female line may have produced the Vasu rights. On examining more closely the whole institution of the Vasu, we are first struck by the fact that no legitimate rights belong to the common Vasu. These claims can only be made by the Vasu whose mother's brother possesses people and land. It may be assumed that the power of the Vasu in its extreme development was first directed against the mother's brother after it had become an integral part of the political machinery of Fiji, since we are told that the Vasu-right becomes an instrument in the king's hand for ruthlessly plundering the land. The king makes use of the Vasu, and shares the plunder with him. There can be no doubt that the institution of Vasu arose out of the natural reverence with which the subjects regarded the king's sister's son when he 1 Williams and Calvert, p. 27. 2 Ibid., p. 27. Appendix XXVIII. 2 visited his uncle. They honoured the king through his kinsfolk. The king and his sons ruled after no gentle fashion, and the ruler was entitled to commit all sorts of acts of violence. In this way the honour paid to the king's sister's son enabled him to rob the people freely. The Vasu-right was gradually transformed into a fundamental institution, and that which was at first serviceable. to the king was now turned against him. It certainly affords no indications of a mystical and religious belief in any special sacred bond between the mother's brother and sister's son. CHAPTER VI. ARYAN PEOPLES. Maine and McLennan-Patriarchal family group-Joint family groupEconomic interests-Property in land and cattle-Comparison between Hindus and Bechuanas-Primitive character of agnationHindu female line-Sapinda and Samanodoka--Agnates and cognates -Germanic female line-Marriage and guardianship-Physical relation between mother and child-Class inheritance-Inheritance of property-Arms and accoutrements-Precedence taken by female heirs-Rejpus-Woman hands down family tradition-Orestes. THE endeavour to grasp the meaning of the line of descent is in no case more important than in that of the Aryan peoples, for since we ourselves are Aryans, these peoples possess a special interest for us. The primitive records are also more abundant, consisting of very ancient laws committed to writing, and not merely of everyday customs and usages. But the very abundance of the material increases the difficulty of dealing with it. And the special question with which we are now concerned, whether the Aryan community was originally agnatistic or not, has been treated in an unsatisfactory manner, owing to the imperfect and obscure mode in which it has been stated. Two theories, completely opposed to each other, have been presented to us. Philologists generally hold that the primitive character of Aryan communities was exclusively agnatistic, and this theory has been supported by Sir Henry Maine in a manner which entitles us to |