He found, will give our mingled blood And St. Dié! IV Dear is this village of the Vosges The word she whisp'ring spoke before America, from that same bowl V Lille, Laon and St. Dié! Our battle front, as theirs to-day Of death, weary but undismayed, Of long-dreamed human brotherhood. Fight for a free humanity, Conquer this welt insanity And our great debt to France repay At Lille, and Laon and St. Dié. THE NAME OF FRANCE1 HENRY VAN DYKE GIVE us a name to fill the mind With the shining thoughts that lead mankind, A name that tells of a splendid part In the long, long toil and the strenuous fight From the feudal darkness into the day Give us a name to stir the blood With a warmer glow and a swifter flood, At the touch of a courage that knows not fear, 1 From "The Red Flower "; copyright 1916, 1917, by Charles Scribner's Sons. By permission of the publishers. A name like the sound of a trumpet, clear, That calls three million men to their feet, The foes who threaten that name with wrong, Give us a name to move the heart With the strength that noble griefs impart, Where the cause at stake is the world's free life A name like a vow, a name like a prayer. THE CONDITIONS OF PEACE Part of address delivered at a joint session of the two Houses of Congress, January 8, 1918 WOODROW WILSON It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, when they are begun, shall be absolutely open and that they shall involve and permit henceforth no secret understandings of any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone by; so is also the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest of particular governments and likely at some unlooked-for moment to upset the peace of the world. It is this happy fact, now clear to the view of every public man whose thoughts do not still linger in an age that is dead and gone, which makes it possible for every nation whose purposes are consistent with justice and the peace of the world to avow now or at any other time the objects it has in view. We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secured once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. The program of the world's peace, therefore, is our program; and that program, the only possible program, as we see it, is this: I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind, but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view. II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants. III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance. IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety. V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined. VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest coöperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as distin |