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When those details first burst upon the ears of the public, it was astounded. Certainly, the present Administration was entitled to whatever praise belonged to being the most close and least communicative which the country had seen in modern times. The details of the Reform Bill were first so well concealed, that no one even got a glimpse of them until they were made known in Parliament. Its practical effects were still a hidden mystery; so was the Budget. These two secrets were so well kept, that no one out of the Cabinet knew of them, and no one in the Cabinet could understand them. And after all this, it was gravely asked of noble Lords who opposed the Bill, whether they had agreed upon any plan of Reform. The noble Lords opposite, indulging in taunts which became them of all men the least, said, that each of the opponents of their Bill must be prepared with a new constitution at an hour's notice, and not only with a new constitution, but also with the same new constitution. Now, with all deference to these noble Lords, this was demanding a little too much from his side of the House. He would put a familiar illustration to their Lordships, to show the absurdity of this demand. He would suppose that his noble friend opposite should have occasion, as no doubt he might have, to engage a new cook, and that, having engaged him, he called his friends around him to dinner, in order that they might favour him with their opinions as to the merits of this new artiste. Suppose that his friends, when called upon for their opinions after dinner, should say, "As you have called upon us to declare frankly our opinions as to the state of your dinner, we feel ourselves bound to tell you, that except a little dish of college pudding, there was not a single dish on your table that we could eat:" would they not then be surprised to hear his noble friend reply to them in this strain, "You are discontented with every dish from which you have eaten, go therefore into my kitchen, and cook me another dinner." Would they not on hearing such a reply say, "If you impose this duty on us, my Lord, give us possession of your kitchen-let us go into it with our own nutmegs and our own spices, and if then we don't provide you with a dinner to your taste, you may then, but not till then, complain of our want of skill and invention?" The noble Viscount the Secretary of State for the Home Department, told

their Lordships that this measure was almost too large for one debate. So perhaps it might be but if that were the case, it was strange that it had never struck the noble Viscount that it was also too large for one Bill. Indeed, it was large enough for a dozen bills; and some of its clauses were, in point of importance, equal in themselves to as many bills. Indeed, one of his objections to this Bill was, that it made a Constitution, and it was quite evident that no Constitution could be made by a Bill. In making that assertion, he wished it to be distinctly understood, that he was no enemy to a Reform made wisely, temperately, and gradually, resting on experience, and defended by reason and analogy. He had been often asked to what extent he would go in such a Reform. To that question he answered, that there was no point at which he would attempt to arrest human improvement; but then he must be convinced that what was proposed to him as an improvement was really an improvement, and when that was done, he would give it his ready and willing assent. Having already assured his noble friend (Earl Grey) that he had always felt for him the strongest regard and affection, he might address himself to some expressions which fell from him on the first night of this Debate. Whether his noble friend alluded to any expressions which fell from him on former occassions in favour of gradual and progressive Reform, and whether his noble friend included him in the number of the most "diminutive nibblers at bit-by-bit Reform," he knew not. He had no pretensions to be considered a Statesman, and, therefore, it would be no matter of surprise to him if he were ranked among the small fry of Anti-reformers. This he could say, that there was no degree of diminutiveness that his noble friend could attribute to him that would not, in his opinion, exceed his dimensions; but in compassion to his insignificance, and in order that they might discuss this great question upon something like equal terms, he would prevail upon his noble friend to shrink his greatness, if he could do so without disparagement, for a short time, and, excelling even the notorious conjuror at the Haymarket, let them endeavour to put, not only one man, but two into the space of a quart bottle. will argue this great question of Reform, and the merits of the proposed change in our Constitution. Here he could not pre

When there, we

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is my conscientious opinion, that much good would result from the adoption of the salutary principle of Reform,gradually applied to the correction of those existing abuses, to which the progress of time must have unavoidably given birth; taking especial care that the measures of Reform to be pursued should be marked out

exceed its wholesome limits.'*

tend to raise his nerveless arm against his acknowledged power. He could not affect to compete with his noble friend in this place in eloquence or in argument. To equal him he must, in fact, be the same, since "none but himselfcan be his parallel;" but he should at least have a better chance if, for a brief space, his noble friend would consent to reduce himself to his insignifi-by the Constitution itself, and in no case cant dimensions, and if they proceeded to It apmoot the point on the footing only of two peared from this extract, that when his of the celebrated sages of Lilliput. Never- noble friend exerted the powers of his theless, when speaking of the high talent eloquence to recommend what he conof his noble friend, he could not but re-sidered a judicious Reform, he advised collect with pride the glorious constellation their Lordships to proceed gradually, stepof genius and eloquence with which his by-step: but now, when his noble friend noble friend and he were contemporaries thought proper to exert his powers of in another House of Parliament-a con- ridicule, he laughed to scorn any plan of stellation exceeded in number and lustre at Reform that was to be accomplished bitno period of the history of any country by-bit. But he was sure that the House of the civilized world. There was a Fox, would agree with him that a step-by-step a Pitt, a Wyndham, and a Burke; and he Reform, and a bit-by-bit Reform, though well recollected, that even in their days they might be different in metaphor, were the noble Earl was always reckoned mighty the same in substance. Again in the same among the mightiest. He had recently speech, his noble friend said- I am ready had the good fortune to light upon one of to declare my determination to abide by the most eloquent speeches which he had the sentiments I have before expressed, ever read, made in defence of a bit-by-bit and that I am now, as I was formerly, Reform, not by Charles Grey, but by Earl the advocate of a temperate, gradual, Grey, on the 13th of June, 1810, when he judicious correction of those defects which brought forward a motion in that House time has introduced, and of those abuses on the state of the nation. His noble in the constitution of the other House of friend, after stating to the House that the 'Parliament, which give most scandal to question of Reform had long engaged his the public, at the same time that they most serious contemplation, proceeded to furnish designing men with a pretext for observe, that after a lapse of twenty years, inflaming the minds of the multitude only he was not inclined to look upon it in all to mislead them from their true interest. respects precisely in the same light as he' To such a system I am a decided friend: had done at an early period of his life, wherever it shall be brought forward, when he pursued his opinions with all that from me it shall receive an anxious and eager hope and sanguine expectation which sincere support. But as I never have, so were so natural to the ardour of youth. I never will, rest my ideas on salutary His noble friend then said- Though I am Reform on the grounds of theoretic per'disposed soberly and cautiously to esti-fection.' He (the Earl of Carnarvon) mate the principles of the Constitution-- had not yet done with this subject. High though, perhaps, I do not see in the same as was the authority which he had al'high colouring the extent of the evil ready quoted in favour of his system of 'sought to be redressed, and am more bit-by-bit Reform, he had to quote a 'doubtful as to the strength and certainty still higher authority to the same effect. of the remedy recommended to be ap-It was no disparagement to the noble Earl 'plied;' would to God that his noble friend to state, that the authority to which he had still entertained some doubts as to the was then going to refer, was higher aucertainty of the remedy which he was now thority, because, in the first place, it was going to apply to the disease of the Repre- his own in the maturity of his experience, sentation! But his noble friend proceeded and the perfection of his talents, and next, 'still, after as serious and dispassionate 'a consideration as I can give, to what I 'believe the most important question that 560. 'can employ your Lordships' attention, it+Ibid. p. 560.

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Hansard's Parl. Debates, vol. xvii, p. 559,

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that authority was the united authority of the noble Earl himself, and of his political preceptor, Mr. Fox. Mr. Fox, it was well known, had said, that sudden changes could not be beneficial to a State; but that gradual changes might be admitted, and that it was expedient to admit them when they could be adopted with safety. His noble friend, in alluding to this dictum of Mr. Fox, had observed in the same speech-If, in the political creed of Mr. Fox, there was one article which he held 'more stedfastly than another, it was, that 'while a system was practically good he 'would always abstain from mending it by 'theories. And never, my Lords,' continued his noble friend, can I forget his 'powerful observations, when in his place in 'Parliament he stated his conviction of the 'absolute impossibilty of providing for all 'the variety of human events, by any pre'vious speculative plans: for, said he, I 'think that if a number of the wisest, ' ablest, and most virtuous men that ever adorned and improved human life, were 'collected together and seated round a ⚫table to devise à priori a Constitution, for a State, it is my persuasion, that not withstanding all their ability and virtue, they would not succeed in adapting a system to the purposes required, but 'must necessarily leave it to be fitted by great alterations in the practice, and many 'deviations from the original design.' Beautiful as this passage was, he would not go on with it.["Hear, hear," and " read on."] If noble Lords wished it, he had no objection to read on. His noble friend on that occasion further said- This opin⚫ion he was wont to illustrate by the familiar 'but apt example of building a house, 'which, notwithstanding all the study and 'consideration previously bestowed upon 'the plan, was never yet known to supply every want or to provide all the accommodations which, in the subsequent occu'pation of it, were found to be necessary. Nay, he used to remark, that however fine 'to look at a regular paper plan might be, no house was so commodious and so 'habitable as one which was built from 'time to time, piece-meal, and without any ' regular design."* He hoped, that from this time forward the noble Earl would cease to nibble at his (the Earl of Carnarvon's) bit-by-bit Reform, and would be content with his own meal. Again, in the

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*Hansard's Parl. Debates, vol. xvii, p. 562.

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same speech, his noble friend said-'To those principles of practical Reform, so wisely enforced by that great Statesman, I am determined to adhere; and the ac'quiescence of your Lordships it is my duty also to solicit, again repeating that 'the remedy I seek shall be limited by the existing defects, shall be marked by the Constitution itself, and not launch out into any extravagance of theory, which

appearances may recommend." Now if his noble friend adhered to his foriner principles of practical Reform, we must have a step-by-step Reform, a piecemeal Reform: nay, however much his noble friend disliked it, a bit-by-bit Reform. He did not call upon his noble friend to adhere to those opinions at this crisis; he only quoted them in order that he might stand justified in the eyes of his noble friend, if he could not receive the same degree of intellectual light which had brightened the vision of his noble friend, and which enabled him to discover the folly and absurdity of his former doctrines. The noble Lord who had preceded him had said, that their Lordships ought to go into Committee upon this Bill, unless they wished it to be understood that in voting against the second reading they were deciding the question of Reform or no Reform. But the present was not a resolution recognizing the necessity of Reform, it was a specific plan of Reform, and he begged to remind the noble Lords opposite, that though they had not said they would admit of no amendment in the Committee, they had said that they should not look upon any reform as efficient that did not contain all the principles of this Bill. Unless, then, their Lordships were prepared to alter all the Representation of the country at one fell swoop, they ought not to consent to the second reading, and it would only be a waste of time as well as a public delusion to go into a Committee on this Bill. By agreeing to go into a Committee, they might, from the exultation of the moment, produce illuminations and bonfires in every town and village in the country; but then, when in the Committee they had pulled the Bill to pieces, and deprived it of all its noxious enactments, the disappointment of the people would be proportionably great, and there would be no limits to their indignation-no end to the charges against their Lordships for

Ibid.

having broken the promises they had solemnly made them. He did not wish to seem to make them any promise; but, he assured their Lordships, that if he thought there was any one class of his fellow-subjects-most of all the poorest class of his fellow-subjects-who had been taught that they should derive great benefit from this Bill, and who believed that opinion, he would support it, if he did not think they were deluded in that opinion. He did not speak in that manner of the noble Earl, for he was fully convinced of his sincerity; but he believed that there were those in every part of the country who supported this measure, and who addressed the people in exposition of this measure, and who assisted in supporting the delusion. He said, that if he did not believe this measure would involve the people in great difficulties and distress, such as have now reduced almost to starvation the emancipated people of Paris and Brussels; -if he did not believe this, but thought that it could be a benefit to them, there was no sacrifice he would not makehardly any risk he would not run, even to the extent of the two schedules, to gratify them. He had been told by the noble and learned Lord on the Woolsack, that if he, (the Earl of Carnarvon) had been acquainted with the secrets of Ministers, he would have entertained the same senti

ments of approbation for this Bill which they entertained. What he wished to know was this-did that noble Lord-did any noble Lord-did the House in general know any thing at present of the plans of the Ministry? Had the Ministry disclosed their secret, or had they still some great mystery to be developed on this subject on the last night of the Debate? When he saw a Bill introduced which altered the right of suffrage in almost every town in the country, he felt himself imperatively called upon to advise their Lordships to get local information respecting every town and county for which they were going to legislate, to ascertain the condition of the constituent body in each and all of those places and districts to consider whether the mode of arranging that constituent body which was proposed in this Bill was such as was best suited to the interests of each particular place, and to delay proceeding till they had obtained that information. If the Ministers had condescended to lay their views before him, and to ask his opinion, he should have VOL. VIII. {s} Third

told them that this was a great question, the consideration of which should be approached without delay; but that, as they should lose no time in considering the question-a question as complicated as it was great and full of danger and peril-so they should lose no time in getting information, practical local information, with respect to every one of those great towns and counties, the representative principle of which they proposed to change, and so to arrange the constituent body as to promote in the greatest degree the public interests. This was the advice he should have given to them. Above all, he would say, "You should consider it without delay, but act not with haste, for to act with haste is rashness." He should think that Reform, in the feverish state of excitement in which the revolutions around them had involved the country could not be considered with that calmness which was necessary. He should therefore say to them-before you act,

-"Sed motos præstat componere fluctus." He did not know whether they would have attended to him-perhaps not-their old habits, a spirit of restlessness, might have induced them to be deaf to his sugthem, as indeed it seemed to have done, gestions; that spirit might have directed.

"to ride the whirlwind," and be directed by "the storm." The noble Earl and his colleagues seemed in truth to have adopt

ed this course

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"Eurum ad se Zephyrumque vocant. ; but when they called the storm, did not seem to consider that they could not send it back to its cavern again, nor did they reflect, that when they wanted a breeze they might get a hurricane, and that when they had fatally evoked the hurricane, and made the tempest fearfully howl about our ears, it would not longer obey them, though it was the creature of their own contrivances.

When he said it was their creature and their contrivance, he did not mean that it was their contrivance from any evil or mischievous design, but that they were rash and improvident men, and acted with all the blindness of enthusiasts. It might be said, that it was presumptuous in him to arraign in this manner men of their great and commanding talents. He admitted that they were men of the greatest talents-they had talents enough to overturn any country. Would to God that they had one grain of common sense and common calmness-common integrity E

he did not mean to say that they had not-and then they would have all that was necessary to save their country. The only hope of the country rested upon the firmness of their Lordships-and that hope was, that their Lordships would give it that breathing time which it required, and to the Ministers, who had no temper left, that temper, which would lead them to consider solemnly the situation in which they stood, and the determination not to render it more desperate for themselves, more dangerous for the people. If their Lordships should reject this measure, because, though it was not bad in parts, its whole was of such an obscure and complicated nature, that its perplexities could not be unravelled without exciting great disappointment in the country, and if the Ministry would then bring forward a plan of Reform less sweeping in its nature, and more temperate, gradual, and judicious, he would not be found in the ranks of their opponents. Ministers might depend upon it that if, instead of indulging in vapouring speeches about standing or falling by this Bill and by no other, they would apply their energies to the formation of a more cautious and more judicious measure, they would be infinitely more certain of success. The noble Marquis, who addressed the House at such length the night before, had amused the House very much by his very eloquent and entertaining speech, and yet he must say, that knowing the great talents and varied information of the noble Marquis, the noble Marquis had much disappointed his expectations. He had been waiting for some time in expectation of hearing an explanation of the reasons why they were to destroy the Constitution of their ancestors at a single blow. He had expected that he should have received that explanation from his friend, the noble Marquis; but no, his noble friend, instead of touching on that subject, proceeded to an examination of the speech of his noble friend near him (Lord Harrowby), and after commencing his observations by a threat that he would refute all his arguments, concluded without refuting one of them. His noble friend had told their Lordships, that his Majesty's Ministers had been bold enough to put to sea, in spite of the dangers and perils with which their voyage was threatened; and he really believed that the noble Marquis was half seas over, when we poor frightened

mariners had only dropped down as far as St. Helen's. The noble Marquis had proposed to set sail in that frail, fatal, Admiralty barge, "built in the eclipse, and rigged with curses dark," which had been unfortunately capsized in its first. expedition. To put to sea, and to embark the Administration, with all its future. hopes and fears, on board of that perfidious vessel, was, indeed, a bold project on the part of Ministers. In spite of all the entreaties of their friends, and all the ominous warnings of the wind and weather, they had set sail on their adventurous voyage, determined to cling to that vessel till she sank. He believed that they would cling to her, according to their avowed declaration. Yes; they would cling to her, but not as the royal standard, which made her the envy and admiration of all beholders; they would cling to her, but not as the rudder, which had conducted her victorious in many battles through the broken lines of hostile fleets, and which had steered her repeatedly in safety through winds and storms into the harbour of safety -they would cling to her like barnaclesyes, like barnacles to a vessel, to impede her navigation, until the good ship lingered behind the breeze, though she had formerly been accustomed to run before the storm. Yes, they would cling to her until she sank in depths unfathomable, never to rise-never to float again. But if such should be her destiny, whilst she had on board all the prosperity of her country, would a spectator looking from the shore on her shattered timbers sinking in the troubled elements, which her crew had created, not be forgiven for wishing that she had been placed under a more cautious captain, and kept in till the storm was passed, safe at her ancient moorings at St. Helen's, still bearing aloft in splendor the royal standard. He would not enter into the numerous objections which had been made by his noble friend near him, all which yet remained unanswered; but there was one objection which seemed to him so forcible, that he could not avoid referring to it. The basis of population had been adopted as the criterion, both for disfranchising and enfranchising boroughs. Now the basis of population was no ingredient in the basis of the British Constitution. If Ministers had appealed to property, or to taxation, as a criterion of property, they would have appealed to a principle on which the safety of the

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