troducing to the notice of the House. He also doubted whether the petition ought to be received. It bore no date, and he hoped the hon. Member would be able to show how it came into his hands. Mr. Hume said, that the House ought not to reject the petition merely because it was contrary to the opinion of the House. With respect to the observations made by the hon. and learned member for Stafford, he begged to say, being thus called upon, he believed the opinion expressed in that petition, to be the opinion of a large portion of the people of this country, namely, that the political power of the Bishops ought to cease. He himself was of that opinion. He was surprised that the hon. and learned Member should think that that wish, as expressed in the petition, was a solitary wish, and that no part of the people of the country sympathised with it. He was equally surprised that hon. Members should have said it was false to state that the Bill was lost by the vote of the Bishops, when it was clear that as the majority against the Bill only amounted to forty-one, and as twenty-one Bishops had voted against the Bill, the majority would have been turned the other way, had the Bishops voted in support of that measure. He believed that the time would come for all these changes, but he admitted that this was not exactly the moment for discussing it. Then as to the observation of the hon. and learned member for Stafford, that these expressions of opinion and the call for a short adjournment, were like dictating to the Ministers, he did not agree at all with those statements of the hon. and learned Member, and he believed it would be only playing the game of the Anti-reformers, if the people of this country were to lie on their oars, as if they did not care about the success or the rejection of the Bill. Instead of doing this, he recommended them to use every Constitutional means of showing the deep anxiety they felt upon the subject. mitted to say, in explanation, as the hon. member for Middlesex appeared to have misunderstood him, that he too wished he people to come forward in a constitutional manner in support of the Reform Bill, but not to send delegates at midnight to the noble Earl at the head of the Government, nor to address petitions to that House couched in such improper and unconstitutional language as the petition now presented to their notice. Mr. Freshfield could not let this opportunity pass without protesting against these constant allusions to the Bishops— these attacks upon a portion of the Legislature, the existence of which was so necessary to the support of the Constitution of the country. He could not avoid, too, expressing his strong objection to the sort of language held by the hon. member for Middlesex, who, not content with saying that the Bishops should not have voted against the Bill, actually seemed to suppose that they ought to have violated their consciences by voting in its favour. Colonel Evans said, that as the hon. and learned member for Stafford had alluded to the conduct of the delegates who had waited upon Earl Grey, he begged to say, that they had done nothing which deserved the censure of the hon. and learned Gentleman, or the imputation of having had intimidation for their object. If it had not been for the tone assumed by the hon. and learned member for Stafford and by the hon. member for Worcester, upon the subject, neither the hon. member for Middlesex nor he (Colonel Evans) would have said anything, and the petition might have quietly gone with others of a similar kind to that receptacle to which they were all consigned; but as the call had been made, and as he had a strong opinion on the subject, he should be wanting in his duty as a man if he did not honestly state his opinion, that both the spiritual and the public welfare of the people would be better consulted if the Bishops had not seats in the House of Lords. Mr. Ruthven said, that the strong feeling which the people had manifested on this subject was both natural and proper, Mr. Leader said, as the petition before and he hoped they would continue to show the House professed to be an Irish one, their anxiety upon it in every constitu- and its prayer was the disfranchisement of tional way. He sincerely deprecated vio- the Bishops, he wished to take the oplence of all kinds, for riots were only in-portunity of saying a few words on the jurious to the cause of Reform; but he subject of tithes and the abuses of the trusted that all other efforts would be vestry system. First he would observe, made to sustain the Ministers. that those parishes in which the Tithe Mr. John Campbell begged to be per-1 Composition Act was established were more Mr. Phillip Howard entirely concurred with the sentiments of the hon. member for Worcester. Although he deeply regretted the course which the Bishops had pursued with respect to the Reform Bill, yet he could not imagine they had acted from interested motives. Indeed, as they had only a life-interest in their sees, if such unworthy motives had any weight with them, they could have operated only to make them support the Government. As to their seats in the Legislature, they had at all times with the exception of the time of the Commonwealth, enjoyed them, and there was never fewer of them than at present. As the House of Commons was so particular in enforcing regulations to prevent the House of Lords interfering with their privileges, they ought to be equally tender not to interfere with those of the other House. tranquil and better disposed than those | petition which, considering all the circumwhich had not compounded, and there- stances connected with it, ought not to be fore he was of opinion that system might allowed to be received by the House. No be extended and improved, and if even a one regretted more than he did the decision quantity of land could be set apart for the of the House of Lords; but a petition from use of the clergy, instead of their being al- a single individual, declaring that one lowed a tithe of the whole, it would be a branch of the legislature had not the right still greater improvement. Again he pro- of voting, was a petition which he thought posed to transfer the building and repair that the House could not properly receive. of churches to the first fruits repealing the Vestry Acts, and doing away with all compulsory cess for supporting the Protestant Establishments; to further these objects, he had prepared three Bills. The first for the extension of the Tithe Composition in Ireland, the second for the Commutation of Tithes, and the third to repeal the Vestry Laws, and making the first fruits available for the repair and building of Churches and other compulsory charges levied on the land. These Bills, under the altered circumstances of the country, he did not propose to introduce to the consideration of the House; the people of Ireland were extremely discontented, and when he saw English petitions recommending the abolishment of the Irish Church establishment, he put it to hon. Gentlemen what must be the feelings of the Catholics who suffered under its exactions. The conduct of the Right Reverend Bench in voting against the Reform Bill had materially tended to aggravate this discontent and dislike in both countries. They had to suffer from the evils of a bad system which was aggravated by their own conduct. Finally, he must say, that resorting to a Protestant Yeomanry to endeavour to preserve the peace and collect tithes in Ireland, would widen the breach between the clergy and the people, and be attended in other respects with the very worst consequences. Petition read. The Speaker said, that the question of receiving this petition involved not only a question of the privileges of the other House of Parliament, but of their own. The petitioner might, on any general grounds, have prayed the Legislature for the abolition of the right of voting of the Bishops; but as the petition stated that the petitioner founded his prayer upon what he conceived to be the vote of a portion of the House of Lords; and as he could only know how that portion of the House voted by means of a breach of privilege, it seemed to be doubtful whether the notice of a matter, which was itself a breach of the privileges of the other House, was not a breach of the privileges of their own. In his opinion it was, and that, on that ground, the petition ought not to be received. Mr. George Robinson said, in his opinion the petition was a most improper one, as it called upon one branch of the Legislature to interfere with the privileges and rights of another. Besides, it was manifestly absurd. The petitioner prayed for a clause to be introduced into the Reform Sir Charles Wetherell said, it was imBill, to disfranchise the Bishops. The possible that the question could be put in hon. Member who presented it was the a better and clearer light than had been only person capable of performing the task; done by Mr. Speaker. He fully and enhe must however most strongly protest tirely coincided with the view that had against connecting public opinion with so been taken of the right of the Bishops to ridiculous a petition as the one before the sit in Parliament by the hon. member for House. Carlisle. He would be always ready to Lord Althorp thought, that this was a maintain they had the same right to sit in the House of Lords as the temporal Peers. I could not extend it to a public denial of The Press had assumed a tone towards the all religion accompanied with gross blasBishops which was perfectly unjustifiable; phemy. As to the hon. Member's inferindeed it seemed to be lording it over all ences from his (Mr. Trevor's) opinions, he the institutions of the country. treated them with the contempt they merited. Mr. Hume said, that if a petition to that House were to say that any measure were thrown out by the votes of the Scotch, or the Irish, or the county Members, he should consider it irregular; and, on the same ground, he must concur in thinking that the fixing the rejection of a Bill on any particular members of the other House, was equally objectionable. The Speaker said, that the hon. member for Middlesex took exactly the same view of the case which he did. Mr. Hunt said, after the opinion delivered by the Speaker, he would withdraw the petition. Petition withdrawn accordingly. RELIGIOUS PROSECUTIONS.] Mr. Hume said, he had three Petitions to present to the House, praying that no man might be prosecuted on account of Religious Opinions. The first was from the inhabitants of Stockport; the second from Richard Carlile, who also complained of the hardship of his case, in being imprisoned for the expression of his opinions; and the third was from the Westminster branch of the National Union. He most fully concurred in the prayer of the Petitions. No man ought to be punished for the expression of his opinions on religious subjects. It was contrary to those principles of religious toleration which were fully recognized by the country. Mr. Trevor was as ready to admit the principle of religious toleration as any hon. Member; but he thought it a mistake to include within that principle the allowing men to publish the most gross and revolting blasphemies with impunity. Mr. Hume asked, why did not the hon. Member carry his principle further, and again kindle the fires of Smithfield? for certainly, the principle which he avowed, of punishing any man who differed from him, and who expressed that difference in words or in writing, might extend so far. The hon. Member could not call that toleration which would induce him to fasten to the stake those who differed from him on religious opinions. The principle which he avowed would go that length. Mr. Trevor repeated, that he was not opposed to religious toleration, but he Colonel Torrens asked the hon. Member whether Christianity did not rest on evidence, and could that evidence be made stronger by the infliction of punishment on those who denied it, or be weakened by the admission of free discussion? Mr. Trevor thought that religion wanted no support but that of its own truth. He had, however, said, and he would repeat it, that the doctrines put forth by Mr. Taylor would be productive of the most injurious consequence to the lower classes. Mr. Protheroe said, he had some petitions to present on this subject. He was one of those who would not punish a man for his religious opinions; but, as the matter had been represented to him, Mr. Taylor had been guilty of the most indecent conduct, which the State had a right to take notice of. If these representations were true, he could only hope, for Mr. Taylor's own sake, that he had been out of his mind at the time he was guilty of such conduct. He would take that opportunity of observing, that the Society for the Suppression of Vice had not acted with judgment in their prosecutions, but had awakened in every instance the public sympathy in favour of the individuals against whom they directed their attacks. Mr. Warburton said, that if Mr. Taylor had been left to himself, he would long ago have ceased to excite any interest in the public mind. He wished that had been the case, and in order to attain that desirable end, he recommended the Government to adopt the course pursued by a late right hon. Secretary of State, who, when he found that the continued imprisonment of Mr. Carlile produced a degree of sympathy on his behalf and procured that individual large subscriptions, released him at once from the imprisonment that had operated so strongly in his favour with the public. Mr. Hunt said, the hon. member for Bristol was not very charitable, if he thought because a man might be mad he ought to be locked up in a dungeon. He (Mr. Hunt) had no doubt that the person in question would soon either become really insane, or die under such treatment. Mr. Phillip Howard said, he thought Ministers had acted with a sound discretion with regard to this person; certainly it was not prudent to draw such people from obscurity unnecessarily, but there were particular cases, and this was one of them, where blasphemy could not be overlooked. Mr. Maberly said, it would be much more convenient if any hon. Member thought Ministers deserved censure for their conduct towards this man, to bring a specific motion before the House, when it could be properly dealt with, rather than raise continually these incidental discussions. Mr. Ruthven said, a man ought not to be subjected to punishment for his opinions; but at the same time he thought the effect of these opinions required to be remedied by the law. Undoubtedly it was the duty of Government to protect both the religion and the morality of the country. Petitions to lie on the Table. Mr. second time, I submitted to his Majesty my intention of opposing the Reform Bill, and my perfect readiness to resign my situation as that he might be pleased to fix on. I received, Chamberlain to the Queen, at any moment in reply, a most gracious command to retain my office, and a distinct recognition of my privilege of being perfectly independent of any Government, from the circumstance of my being in her Majesty's household. My having offered to resign again was out of the question, as I was allowed, by the King's own commuNothing, therefore, but the positive request of nication, to act and vote exactly as I pleased. Lord Grey and his colleagues to the King for my removal, in consequence of my vote the other night, has been the cause of my being no longer in her Majesty's household. I feel that it is but common justice to my own chafull authority to make whatever use of it you racter to make this statement, and to give you like, except the insertion of it in the public papers. I have the honour to be your faithful and obedient servant, "The Hon. A. Trevor." "Howe. He felt it necessary, acting on this occasion as he had on the former, without any communication with the noble Lord as to DISMISSAL OF EARL HOWE.] the course which he might think proper to Trevor rose to put a question to his Ma- take, to put a question to his Majesty's jesty's Government, on the subject of the Government. He did so as an act of jusdismissal of a noble Lord from his ap-moved from his appointment. The questice to the noble Lord who had been repointment of Chamberlain to the Queen. tion which he wished to put was, whether He had put a question on this subject a few days ago to the noble Lord, the Pay- Lord Howe had not been dismissed from master of the Forces, and that noble Lord the situation of Chamberlain to her Mahad stated that Earl Howe had tendered his jesty in consequence of the vote that he resignation, which was accepted. He had had given on the Reform Bill, notwithsince received a letter from Earl Howe, standing the assurance that had been with whom he had not the honour of being made to him by his Majesty that he might personally acquainted, in which that noble vote on that question as he pleased? Earl stated, that the noble Lord's account of the transaction was inconsistent with the real facts of the case. That letter he now held in his hand, and as he was authorized by the noble Lord to make any use of it he thought proper, he would read it to the House: - "Gopsal, Atherstone, Oct. 16. "Sir-Although I have not the honour of your acquaintance, I am certain you will pardon the liberty I take in making a few observations on a question which the papers of yesterday mentioned to have been put by you in the House of Commons respecting my dismissal from the Queen's household. If the answer Lord John Russell is reported to have given in The Times is the one he really made, I must say his Lordship made a statement at direct variance with the real facts of the case, which are these: "In the month of May last, and for the VOL. VIII. {Series} Third Lord Althorp said, that the hon. Member and the House must be aware, that the removal of any individual from any appointment in the household of their Majesties was made in the undisputed exercise of the royal prerogative, to remove or retain any individual at pleasure. It would not become him, therefore, standing there as a Minister of the Crown, to enter into any statement, or to give any opinion, as to the grounds of such removal. CHOLERA MORBUS.] Sir Richard Vyvyan wished to put a question to the VicePresident of the Board of Trade, on the subject of the Cholera Morbus. It was known that this fatal disorder had appeared at Hamburgh, within thirty-six hours' voyage by steam to this country, and he was desirous of learning whether Govern2 G ment had received any official information | country by the employment of precauof that circumstance? and whether, as the tionary measures, and he trusted that we disease had now only to cross the German should be able to do so for the future; Ocean, any additional measures of quar- though the disease undoubtedly beantine had been taken against it? It came more formidable as it approached seemed an unfortunate mistake, that the those shores with which this country was violence of the Cholera Morbus was at- in the habit of frequent communication. tenuated by crossing the sea; and it was Should, in any instance the disease be inknown, that when it was conveyed from troduced, it would depend, in a great Calcutta to Mauritius and the Isle of measure, on the exertions of the people France, it was felt in those islands with themselves on its first appearance to check the greatest severity. There was every its progress. The recommendations, which reason to fear that it would make its ap- he had already stated the Government had pearance in this country; and if so, he issued to the different authorities in the hoped steps would be taken to isolate country, contained a statement of those preplaces infected, so as to prevent the spread- cautionary measures which Government ing of the disorder. He had adverted to thought it desirable should be taken, and the subject prior to the prorogation, in he had no doubt that if they were carried hopes that the attention of the people strictly into effect, they would, if the would be directed to it. They would them- disease should unfortunately appear in this selves be the best guardians and conserva- country, check its progress, if not entirely tors of the public health; and ought, im- confine it to the place of its first appearmediately a place was attacked, to insistance. that a circle should be drawn round it. Mr. Hume asked whether there was any medical person at Hamburgh, appointed by Government to watch the disease, and make a report on its peculiar nature ? Mr. Warburton said, that there were no Mr. Poulett Thomson said, in reply to precautionary measures, not even the esthe question asked by the hon. Baronet, tablishment of a coast guard, to which he that in the course of last week, the Govern- should object, for the purpose of keeping ment had received information, though this dreadful disease out of the country. not of an official character, that the Its effect was more calamitous than that Cholera Morbus had reached Hamburgh. of war itself, and they were bound to do Immediately on the receipt of this intelli- all which human wisdom prescribed to gence, the Government issued orders preserve the country from its ravages. inforcing a more strict quarantine with He suggested that a cordon should be respect to all vessels coming from Ham-drawn round those districts where the burgh, and had directed further precau- disease should break out. tionary measures to be taken with regard to vessels coming from any part of the coast lying between the north of Denmark and Rotterdam. All vessels arriving either from Hamburgh, or from any port within the district he had just described, would be subjected to new regulations. In addition to this, the Government had thought it adviseable to call public attention to the subject, and had recommended the different authorities in the country, both lay and ecclesiastical, to use all the means in their power to keep the disease out of their respective districts, or, should it appear, to prevent its spreading. He per-most fortunate circumstance that those fectly agreed in the observations which had fallen from the hon. Baronet with respect to the nature of the disease. From all the accounts which he had received, it appeared to him quite ridiculous to suppose that the nature of the Cholera Morbus was much affected by a sea passage. We had hitherto been able to keep this dreadful disease entirely out of the Mr. Poulett Thomson said, that when the Cholera Morbus broke out in Russia, Government despatched two medical men to Petersburgh, for the purpose of inquiring into the nature of that disease. Those gentlemen had left Petersburgh, and had arrived at Hamburgh, and would forward any information they were able to obtain connected with the disease, to the Government at home. He thought it a gentlemen were able, by their accidental presence at Hamburgh, to report to Government the progress of the disease in that place. He had as yet received no information of their having reached Hamburgh, but in all probability they had arrived there by this time. Mr. Trevor said, he had received communications from Northumberland, ex |