Was not the exercise of the royal prerogative, which the noble Earl advised at such a moment of unprecedented excitement, of all others the least likely to produce the results of calm deliberation? Promises of cheap bread and high pay were held out to a distressed and unem subject, and that whilst this American | tablished by the dictum of the noble Earl, rejoiced at the prospect of Reform in but proved at the bar of that House; England, he ridiculed the assertions that and if it was not so to be proved, he would a Republic must not be the natural and ask, what became of the great principle inevitable consequence of passing such a of British law, that all men are to be Bill.] It would be useless to comment at held innocent until proved to be guilty? length upon the details of the Bill. Like As to the franchise being, not property other noble Lords, he should avoid doing but a trust, he would take it to be a trust; so, because it had been clearly demon- but it was a beneficial trust; and he would strated, both in the preceding debates, ask, whether they were prepared to take and in some of the ablest pamphlets ever every such trust, for instance, the advowwritten, that the whole was one mass of sons of church livings, by so arbitrary and injustice and inpracticability. The dis- unjust a Bill? But then, said the noble franchising clauses it was impossible to Earl, in substance, it is the will of the justify; but supposing them to be tolerated, people, and he had given a history of the there was a striking vice in the enfranchis- period since he entered upon office, by ing clauses. Had the noble Earl shewn, way of proving how calmly and rationally that a delegated Representation was ever the people had determined upon it. The a part of the Constitution? One of the noble Duke (Wellington) had, to be essential features of ours was, that it was sure, given rather a different version of general, but this Bill, if passed, would this history, and he too would say somemake it almost entirely local. This was thing upon that head. Were the late refurther lost sight of in what he would call turns to Parliament, indeed, the result of the departmental Frenchified provisions; calm deliberation? What was the fact? and were they to be duped or frightened into imitating what had produced one continued scene of change, confusion, and misery in revolutionised France? Rather let them profit, whilst it was not yet too late, by her baneful example. The noble Earl had quoted the cases of the Scotch and Irish Unions to justify disfranchise-ployed populace. The King's name was ment. He was afraid it was not easy to used, or rather abused, to an extent before defend all the details of those great mea- unheard of; and the farmers were told, sures, but their sins were perhaps unavoid- that they should have from the Reform able; they had consolidated the interests Bill, not a composition or a commutation, of the British empire most advantageously; but the abolition of tithes. This might and after all, the noble Earl's whole argu- not have been authorised by the Government on this point went only to justify ment, but it had not been counteracted, or injustice by injustice. He had referred to even discouraged, as it ought to have been. our ancient history to shew, that this Bill He should always think the advice to exproposed a return to the old usage of the ercise the royal prerogative at such a Constitution; but he did not shew how moment, the most unjustifiable ever given or when. He could not do so, for he must by any Minister of the Crown. Ostensiwell know, that when the king, in those bly it was to ascertain the feelings of the times, issued or withdrew his writs, they people, as if that had not been expressed were often petitioned against by the en- through their Representatives in a constifranchised towns; that population and tutional way. Really, by the most induswealth never were the only guides for en-trious excitement, by the Press, by the most franchisement, and that writs were often granted as favours to individuals. The fact was, that the Constitution, in its present, as he (Lord Falmouth) would assert, enviable form, had its proper date in the events of 1688. Since then it was, that the charters had been held sacred, and, as their Lordships knew, there had been no instance of disfranchisement without a proved delinquency-not delinquency es inflammatory speeches, coming from men who, with the support of Government, appeared to have its authority; and by all other means that party-spirit could suggest, a popular cry was unnaturally invited and promoted, and the people were thrown into a state of insanity by the most shameful delusions. What was the result? The return of tried, experienced Commoners, who had not only by property the largest stake in the welfare of the State, but whose known integrity, talents, and long services, were unimpeachable? No! Sir Edward Knatchbull, Sir Thomas Acland, Mr. Bankes, the father of the House of Commons and many others, whose characters could not be raised by any eulogy of his, were rejected; and men more in the situation of pledged delegates than independent Members were sent up to support so violent a change. Blindly and recklessly had they gone to their work, disfranchising large county-towns against the principles laid down by the Government itself, and refusing to discriminate in the face of all consistency, equity, and reason. But after all, what had been the immense majority of votes in these calm deliberate elections? Was it a third, or a fourth, or a sixth, or an eighth? Would it be believed, that notwithstanding the violence and delusion practised upon the people, the majority in the fourteen counties that had been contested had not been onetwentieth of the aggregate votes. The comparative numbers were 16,280 for, and 17,866 against the Bill, together 34.146; the majority being about 1/21 of the whole. Upon this fact all comment was unnecessary. Then, was there no re-action? If the last elections were to prove a feeling for the Bill, were those that had since taken place of no value against it? Why, every one of the recent elections, Dublin, Weymouth, and others, had gone against it, and the fact would, ere long, be proved beyond a doubt, that the cry for such a Bill as that was not the result of calm deliberation, but of the most unnatural excitement. Then, if the noble Earl had not proved that his Bill was the uninvited, spontaneous desire of the people, was there anything else to justify it? Was it to be found in the exclusion of the commonalty from every preferment to which their talents or their services could entitle them? He saw near him his most respected and learned friend (the Earl of Eldon), whose eminence through a large portion of his admirable and most useful life belied the supposition. He would appeal to the learned Lord (Brougham) on the Woolsack, who, at least, he presumed, would not contradict him in that appeal; and when he looked to the Right Reverend bench, he was only reminded how superfluous it was to say one word more on this part of the subject. The vices and grievances of the system had been artfully held up to entrap the honesty of those who were unmindful that nothing human could be perfect; but the principal vice was not in the system, it was in the vanity and presumption of those who lived under itthat vanity which taught men to despise the admirable institutions they enjoyed, and treat the memory and the work of those who had gone before them with the most arrogant ingratitude. They were trifling with the rich inheritance which their fathers had handed down to them, and, like reckless gamblers, were hazarding upon one desperate throw the rich accumulation of their laborious lives. He was one of those who thought it more for the comfort and happiness of mankind, that Governments, though necessarily imperfect, should be considered as settled, than that the vagaries of theorists, and the wickedness of desperate men, should be let loose upon them to work perpetual change and discontent. But did he not know that the British system of Government was the best that had existed in any age or country? The noble Earl had not even attempted to deny that, and yet would he unsettle it, and with it every thing that constituted its perfection and security. He would ask, was it by such an arbitrary despotic act as that, that his Government intended to promote the interests of freedom? Was it by such legislation as that, they would set an example of honesty to the people? Or was it by such a Bill that, as a part of the State, they would protect and uphold the Protestant Church? The noble Earl had appealed to the right reverend Prelates, as if he would work upon their apprehensions rather than their consciences. He (Lord Falmouth) would not believe, that any of them would support such a measure. His own attachment to the Protestant Church would not be doubted, and even if any of that right reverend bench should be induced to vote for such a Bill, he was convinced it would be from an error of judgment alone; but the right reverend Prelates knew too well the essential connection between the Church Establishment and the balance of power in the State, to be drawn into so fatal a delusion. They could remind him. better than he could them of the admirable conduct of the Bishops in the time of James 2nd. The Prelates of that reign gave a tone to the feeling of the people, and taught them to preserve the equipoise of the three estates: not the theoretical awe upon the subject before the House, if a measure were brought in, really founded upon calm deliberation, he would consider it maturely, with the sincere hope that he might find it consistent with the noble Earl's solemn promise to preserve the settled institutions of the country; and with his Majesty's Speech from the Throne, recommending that they should be held inviolate-but he would not vote for the second reading of that Bill-he would not consent to destroy the British Constitution. equipoise of the noble Earl, but that which had proved its value by the test of practice. They had then shewn, that they would preserve a Constitutional King, they would preserve now a Constitutional House of Commons; they could not, they would not, support that unprincipled Bill. Well might the noble Earl say, that he introduced it with feelings of unusual well might even his powers of language be suspended, as they had been so unusually at the outset of his address. He had indeed taken upon himself a most fearful responsibility. He The Earl of Rosebery said, that after had said, he would stand or fall by that the very long discussion which this great Bill; and, for the sake of his manly cha- question had undergone, not only in that racter, it was to be hoped, that this decla- House but elsewhere-after the serious ration was to be taken in its plain and usual consideration which every reflecting mind meaning. Such a Bill as that was strange- had given to it, from the period of its first ly framed to show his love of liberty. He announcement down to the present moment could not mean to prove his regard for (and particularly as the House must be the freedom and independence of that nearly exhausted with the debates which House by the further intentions which had already taken place within those had been, no doubt erroneously, attributed walls relative to it)-he felt that he should to him. A noble Lord had most unhap- be acting in a most unpardonable manner pily given them a foretaste of a Reform towards their Lordships, if he did not, in Government, by saying that it had dis- entering into the views and feelings which carded patronage. Did the dealing out influenced him to support the principle of peerages by wholesale prove, that the this measure, or, in other words, to give noble Earl had scorned to resort to patron- his vote for the second reading of the Bill, age? He had heard nothing so playfully confine his observations within the shortest severe upon the noble Earl's (Mulgrave) possible compass. In doing so he must own friends as that remark, excepting, in- beg leave, in the outset, to state, that he deed, the slip of the noble leader himself, was not originally a friend to a Reform of when he had talked of bartered peerages. the Representation in Parliament; and he But the noble Earl was to stand or fall by mentioned this merely to show, that if he that Bill, and the most charitable wish he had any prejudice to overcome, it was a (Lord Falmouth) could offer him was, that prejudice against Reform. He had, howwhether it were passed or rejected, it ever, after much reflection, been brought might not bring him down in sorrow to the irresistible conviction that this to his grave. There was one part alone measure was called for by the necessity of of the noble Earl's speech that had the times. At this particular period a his concurrence, and it carried with it con- great and specific measure was called for. viction, not because it was eloquent, but His opinion on the question of Parliabecause it was true. The noble Earl had mentary Reform had been for a long time told them, in language which he would not this--either that Parliament should adopt attempt to imitate, that the House of Peers a certain principle for a gradual but procould not be separated from the people.gressive amelioration of the Representation They were in truth a part of the people, of the people, or, if imperative circumand they could not prove this more strong-stances arose which rendered it necessary ly than by rejecting that Bill, since, if it passed, it would be destructive of the real interests of the people. For himself, he would say, let them shew him the necessary reforms in the law, and he would support them-let them point out the imperfections of the Church Establishment, and he would support the correction. In both instances he had already done so. Even to entertain the whole question, that it should be entertained under the guidance and direction of the Government, and that a full, extensive, satisfactory, and comprehensive measure should be introduced. The opportunity of acting under the first of these principles had been entirely lost, and particularly it had been lost during the period when the late Government held the reins of power. When the dissolution of that Government took place, and when all the circumstances which led to it were considered, he thought that the new Ministers would not have acted with proper respect towards the Crown, nor with good faith towards the public (whose feelings were fixed, and whose minds were agitated on the subject), nor with a due regard to all the great interests of the country (in the prosperity of which, peace, order, and content were the principal constituents), he thought that the advisers of the Crown would not, under such circumstances, have acted fairly to the Crown, or justly to themselves, if they had not introduced a great and comprehensive measure of Reform. He must be allowed to say, and he would say it with the highest respect for the character of the noble Duke who was at the head of the late Government, and with that eternal sense of gratitude which he, in common with all his countrymen, felt for the great services which the noble Duke had rendered to his country, but still he must say, that the noble Duke and his colleagues might be fairly considered to be the real authors of the present plan. By their decision against the improvement of the existing system, they left no alternative but the proposition and adoption of some large measure like that to which they were now hastening. It appeared to him, that those who did not, at the present moment, see the necessity of introducing a great and comprehensive measure of Reform, either did not mark the very great alteration which had taken place in the state of society in this country, or they were ignorant of the best means of effecting the necessary changes in our institutions. Those who described the present measure as one bordering on revolution, seemed to him to judge incorrectly. He was the more inclined to think so when he looked to the sources from which, in these days, revolutions were likely to arise, and had, in some instances, arisen; and he conceived that the course which Ministers had taken was the best that could be devised to avert revolution, and to preserve the constitution of this country. He, however, could assure their Lordships, that he was not a blind supporter of this measure. He was not actuated, in the course which he was taking, by any special confidence which he placed in his Majesty's Government, or by any personal attachment which he might feel towards any of the members of that Government. He would show to their Lordships, if this Bill went into a Com mittee, that he was prepared to act with the utmost impartiality. He would prove that he was perfectly free from party feeling, by giving his best consideration to the different clauses of the Bill, and by opposing such parts of them as he might deem it necessary to have altered and amended. He had already stated, that he was no blind supporter of this measure because it was introduced by his Majesty's Government; and he had no hesitation in stating, because he never would conceal his opinion from their Lordships, when he rose to address them on any public occasion, that there were parts of this measure which, originally, he wished not to have been there; but he felt that it would now be more injurious to withdraw them than to allow them to remain. There were other parts of the Bill which appeared to him to be susceptible of improvement in the Committee. Therefore it seemed to him to be desirable, that the Bill should be carried one stage further, and then their Lordships would be enabled to see in what respect it might be improved. With regard to the general objects and principles. of the Bill, he would say, that unless Ministers had introduced to Parliament a measure, the great outline of which would be to do away with the nomination boroughs, to increase the number of county Members, to give Representatives to the great manufacturing towns, and the new interests which had grown up in the country, to make a considerable alteration in the elective franchise throughout the. country, and to effect a decided change in the Representative system of Scotland, they would have deceived the Crown, betrayed the people, and lost that confidence which was now, and he thought justly, reposed in them. That must inevitably have been the effect of their introducing a less comprehensive measure, which would merely irritate, because it would be of a temporary and unsatisfactory nature. Το leave such general observations and come to the consideration of the Bill then before their Lordships, and of the most prominent objections that were advanced against it; they might, he thought, be reduced to two, which involved all the others. The first was, that this measure appeared to those who opposed it to be fraught with danger; and next, that it was totally unnecessary. The danger which was prin he thought that no such state of things was likely to arise. Looking to the provisions of this Bill, and to the experience which all their Lordships must have had, with reference to those who heretofore had been Representatives of large and populous cipally apprehended as likely to arise out of this Bill was, that it would allow too large a scope to democratic influence in the Constitution, which influence was calculated to overturn the weight that now belonged to rank, station, and property, and which was essential to the well-places, he was led to believe, that neither being of the monarchy. With the view, the provisions of the Bill, nor the expehowever, which he took of this Bill, he rience of those elections, could justify any denied that it was likely to produce any one in concluding that individuals elected such effect. It was true, that the measure for populous places, either counties or bowould annihilate the political power now roughs, must necessarily be placed under possessed by certain individuals in this the direct control and dominion of those country, but it was equally true, that it who sent them to Parliament. But when would leave them in full possession of all he spoke thus of delegation, he thought the influence which they derived from that those who opposed the Bill on that property; while, at the same time, he ground, did not act fairly or consistently maintained that it would bring into bene- towards themselves. He begged leave to ficial action a vast amount of influence ask, what were the majority of those and property, which was either wholly Members who were elected for nomination extinguished or overshadowed by the boroughs? What were they, generally power of which he had spoken. If he speaking, but delegates? But there was thought that this measure would produce a great difference between delegation from the destruction, or even the weakening of private nomination, and delegation from the just influence of the aristocracy or populous places. To delegation from landed interests of this country, the main- private nomination there was this great tenance of which he thought essential to objection-namely, that the power was not the order, stability, and good government exercised for the furtherance of any pubof the monarchy, he certainly would not lic object, however absurd, but for the exdefend it. But he was of opinion, that the press purpose, either of obtaining pecuniary aristocracy of England would gain as much benefit, or some other personal advantage, influence, if not more, as a body, than which was of importance to the individual they now possessed, by the passing of this who wielded the power of nomination, and measure. They would, by the operation most probably injurious to the community. of this Bill, acquire a legitimate influence; It was also advanced as a very great obwhereas the influence which they at present | jection to this measure, that it was very possessed, was enjoyed in a manner dis-likely to paralyse the proper influence of reputable and odious; it was wrong for the executive Government, and to introthem to desire to retain it, and it might prove destructive of the peace of the country if they determined to do so. Again, it had been said by a noble Duke, a few nights ago, and the observation was repeated by the noble Earl who had spoken last, that this measure would be the means of changing the other House into an assembly of delegates. If he thought that the Bill was calculated to convert the Representatives of the lower House into a body of delegates, to be chosen in such a manner as must subject them to the sway and influence of every breath of popular clamour, or, as would compel them to be guided on all occasions by particular instructions, he would be the last individual to support such a plan-he would be the last man to argue that such a change would be adapted to the circumstances, and suitable to the situation of the country. But duce a system which would do away with all that power which Government now possessed, through the medium of nomination-boroughs. He could not, however, suppose that it would have any such effect. He thought the measure would rather tend to disembarrass the Government, by severing it from a description of influence and power by which it was too frequently assailed, and which Ministers could not always meet in a manner consistent with what they might believe to be their duty on public questions, and with reference to public interest. The next general objection to the plan was, that it was not warranted by the necessity of the case. He was surprised at this objection, and the more so when he found that it was urged by those who belonged to the late Administration, because the necessity must be notorious to them. The neces |