personally directed against the Duke of Newcastle, because he was at the time of the attack in London. But when the learned Gentleman drew this distinction, he must be aware that the Reformers, as they were called, were not unmindful of the noble Duke's residence in London. While the Radicals were burning down his house in Nottingham, his mansion in Portman-square was not forgotten by individuals in town. There appeared to be a sort of sympathy on this point, for while the noble Duke's house at Nottingham was in flames, his house in town was surrounded by an angry mob. If under these circumstances, the Attorney General could show any good reason for not sending a Commission to try the offenders, he would not persevere in his motion. It was, however, not unlikely that Gentlemen opposite would meet this subject as the hon. member for Middlesex had thought proper to meet it. And yet one would suppose that such a case as the burning of a house of the Duke of Newcastle would excite in a considerable degree the attention of Government, and that they would be found willing to protect the property of their political opponents. But when he recollected what a portion of the Press said, namely -that if the Bill failed, the torch must be applied to the property of its opponents-when he saw his Majesty's Government go the length of corresponding with those, who if they did not recommend burning, did declare themselves in favour of not paying taxes-when he marked this, he must beg leave to repeat what he had before stated in that House, that he did not and could not give his confidence to Ministers. He now plainly avowed, that on this account, he felt it necessary to call the attention of the House to the motion with which he should conclude. Not many hours had elapsed, since a gross, and egregious, and scandalous attack had been made on the property of the Duke of Newcastle-noble Lords had been personally assailed - inflammatory pamphlets were disseminated in every direction -and the most baneful principles were advocated by" friendly advisers." When these things passed before their eyes, was there any man of common sense who would not at once admit that this system of intimidation was not intended to control one Peer, but was directed against the whole Peerage? Whether the Under Secretary of State did or did not agree in that pro position was a matter of no importance to him; but it was quite evident that the just and proper equality of the law had ceased to exist, if the property of the Duke of Newcastle was not placed on the same footing of safety and security as that of other individuals. He heard cheers from the Attorney General. Doubtless the hon. and learned Gentleman meant to say, that he would show his activity in prosecuting for burnings, when Lansdowne-house, and other mansions belonging to the same party, were consumed. That was his hon. and learned friend's logic. Did the hon. and learned Gentleman mean to say, that he would not agree to a Commission for trying those who had burned down an Anti-reforming Duke's house, until that of a Reforming Duke was consumed? Then they should hear by and by what the hon. and learned Gentleman meant to do. He would maintain, that for the last six weeks, the language of the Press, speeches in that House, and declarations out of that House, were all calculated to call down popular vengeance on the heads of those Peers who had opposed the Reform Bill. No doubt the noble Paymaster, and the noble Lord, the member for Northampton, had had an opportunity of looking at the speech made a few days ago by a noble Lord (Lord Milton) at the Sheffield meeting. That noble Lord there asserted, that it was by the Peers created in the reigns of George 3rd and George 4th that the Reform Bill was thrown out. Whether the Peerage of the noble Lord (Lord Althorp) was to be admitted amongst those which, in the speech of the noble Lord to whom he had alluded, were called the ancient hereditary Peerages of England, he did not know. Certainly it did not belong to the feudal class. Perhaps it was to be considered in medio, between the very old and the moderately new; and perhaps on the score of antiquity the reverence for Earl Grey's title was not quite safe. But if the decision of the heads of modern houses with reference to this Bill did not please the noble Lord, he must, a multo fortiori, be dissatisfied on that ground with the votes of Lord Dinorben, Lord Panmure, and Lord Poltimore. The decisions of these novi homines-these new made Peerswas, according to the inference to be drawn from the speech of the noble Lord, not worth any thing, The conduct of the Wentworths and the Russells, according to his doctrine, they being the heads of the ancient houses, ought to have been | ters. implicitly followed. The line of argument their opinion on the subject, Ministers, While others strongly expressed by their languid cheer, admitted that the property of the Duke of Newcastle ought to be protected not less carefully than that of the Duke of Bedford. The Attorney General had a serious responsibility cast upon him. He did not mean to say that Ministers had occasioned those mischiefs, but they connived at them. They approved of the proceedings of a meeting where mutinyand sedition were recommended-where burning was not denounced. But some metaphysical Paymaster would rise up and say "Oh! we did not recommend the burning of the Duke of Newcastle's house!" Then came the question, "Did you do anything to prevent it?" He must again press upon the attention of the House, that the noble member for Northamptonshire, in allusion to Lord Wharncliffe, had characterized him as a Peer of the other day-as one, he sup of the noble Lord went directly to that point. He said, that the modern Peers rejected this Bill; and his impression seemed to be, that they did not stand on an equal footing with the ancient nobility. All that he demanded was, rigorous and impartial justice. He wished to see Ministers active in protecting the property of political foes, as well as of political friends. If such a course had been pursued, he should not have brought such a Motion before the House. His opinion was, that if in the early part of last winter a special commission had been appointed, it would have produced beneficial effects. That was his opinion, though he had not expressed it. He knew not whether his Majesty's Government meant on this occasion to send a special commission to Nottingham. He conceived that they ought to do so. But he had seen enough, in the course of these proceedings -in the progress of these political excite-posed, not to be spoken of at the same ments to lead him to believe that the Government had connived at them, to serve their own purposes with respect to the Reform Bill. He had that evening noted what might be called a dialogue between the Woolsack and the people and one would suppose that in such a dialogue, the first Magistrate would peremptorily say, violence must be repressed, crimes must be brought to a trial, and the strong arm of the law must be called into active operation. But he discovered no such thing. He observed nothing more than a repetition of the mildness which he had heard from the noble Lord yesterday. He therefore felt it necessary, under suchcircumstances, to submit the Motion to the House of which he had given notice. Although in the heat of the debate party cheers had been given whenever the name of that honest and upright nobleman, the Duke of Newcastle, had been mentioned, yet he was perfectly convinced, that no hon. Gentlemen who sat in that House could look with indifference on an act of violence committed on the property of a Peer of the realm, because he happened to differ from them in political opinion. He was firmly He was firmly persuaded, that they considered that his property was as fit an object of protection as that of any other nobleman. He did not perceive that the Ministers cheered that sentiment, but he was glad to find that the Gentlemen behind them did. Oh! he now heard a languid cheer from Minis time with the Wentworths and the Rus- as Englishmen, and as moral men, ought If he remained near the hon. and learned Gentleman, he might catch something from him. He did not mean his gentry, but his gentility; he was in hopes that he should obtain some little infusion of that accomplished and courteous manner for which the hon. and learned Gentleman was so remarkable. The hon. and learned Gentleman had also accused him of having approved of the base, dastardly, and cowardly attack made yesterday upon an Irish nobleman. Never was any accusation more unfounded since the days of gentility were first invented, and nothing so contrary to what he had really said. Had he stood the supporter of every abuse, and the determined opponent of every improvement-had he resisted every attempt to facilitate the administration of justicehad he continually laboured to shut out the enlightment of modern knowledge from the obscurities of ancient law-had he occupied the time of the House with a sort of rollicking rhodomontade night after night had it been his constant habit to make people laugh at him, when he possessed not the wit to make them laugh with him-he might have deservedly been the object of the illiberal attack which had just been made upon him. In the speech which had just now been addressed to the House, his Majesty's Government were accused of wilfully permitting the disgraceful outrages which had recently taken place. For his part, although he thought that the gallant nobleman who had been assailed was mistaken in his political opinions, no man could desire more than he Mr. Fane seconded the Amendment. Mr. O'Connell hoped it would not be considered presumptuous if he offered a few words after what had been said by the hon. and learned Gentleman. That hon. and learned Gentleman had taken upon himself, not only to misrepresent, but to lecture him upon three points-First, for sitting on the Opposition side of the House, when it was honoured with the hon. and learned Gentleman's own presence. Not very long since, the hon. and learned Gentleman had called the Opposition side of the House a mountain, and the hon. and learned Gentleman ought to recollect that he had taken his seat upon it long before the hon. and learned Gentleman had visited it. Mahomet had therefore come to the mountain, and not the mountain to Mahomet. Mahomet, too, had ex-did to see the persons brought to justice hibited himself on this occasion in one of the most grotesque of his would-be inspired paroxysms. The second charge against him (Mr. O'Connell) was, a want of gentility. Of all men, the charge of being ungenteel came most strangely from the hon. and learned Gentleman. In what school of politeness had he taken his degree? Where was the dancing-master for grown gentlemen, by whose instructions he had so much profited? Who was the hon. and learned Gentleman's arbiter elegantiarum? When the hon. and learned Member talked of gentility, he wished to remind him, that as Dr. Johnson had said that "the Devil was the first Whig," so Shakspeare had told us that the Devil was the first gentleman "The Prince of Darkness is a gentleman, Wetherall his name, and Botherall." who had made that atrocious attack. But the original Motion before the House referred to certain Resolutions of the inhabitants of St. James's; and from that subject they had been turned off to the outrages at Nottingham. Did either of the Gentlemen, the hon. Mover or the hon. and learned Gentleman below him, or did any man, imagine that his Majesty's Government would hesitate to inquire respecting every such riot or illegal proceeding? What grounds were there for supposing that they would neglect their duty? Was it known that any of the rioters at Nottingham had been taken up? If not, what a situation would the Judges be placed in when they arrived at that place, to discover there were no prisoners to try. So far they might take a useful hint from Mrs. Glass, when she said, "First catch your carp." Surely it became the duty of the hon. Gentleman to ascertain whether there was any work for the King's Judges before he despatched them, on what might turn out to be a bootless errand. As for the attack which had been made upon him by the hon. and learned Member, he would say no more than that it was wholly unHe might add, that every part of the hon. and learned Gentleman's speech was utterly destitute of merit, although he must not say that it was equally destitute of truth. Lord Althorp said, that the attack of the hon. and learned Gentleman, last night and on the present occasion, was most unfair, and the insinuations in which he had indulged were wholly uncalled for. He had accused his Majesty's Government of acting partially towards the supporters and opposers of the Reform Bill. Sir Charles Wetherell said, his words were "he hoped they had not so acted." could not be deceived. The hon. and Lord Althorp: Then the hon. and learned Gentleman had only insinuated the charge, that because the Duke of New-jesty's Ministers to decide that point; but castle had opposed the Reform Bill, therefore the Duke of Newcastle's property was not so well protected as that of any other individual. That was the insinuation of the hon. and learned Member; and he should not have thought it would have been concurred in by any other Member in the House, had it not been cheered by a solitary Member on the other side. He begged to state, though it was scarcely necessary for him to state, that his Majesty's present Government were as fully determined as any Government to maintain the laws and the peace of the country. It was hardly necessary for him to defend the Government from such a charge as that of the hon. and learned Gentleman; it was hardly necessary for him to say, that they would make no distinctions, or interfere in any manner with the regular course of justice. The hon. and learned Gentleman had accused the Ministers of conniving at the disturbances in the country. Did the hon. and learned Gentleman feel anything in his own breast which could induce him to conceive it possible that any man of honour and character, not only worthy of a seat in that House, but fit for the society of gentlemen any where, could, for the sake of some private purpose of his own, connive at bloodshed, riot, and arson? It was really quite impossible to answer accusations of that kind. On one point he he could give him this assurance, that the property of every individual in the country should be protected as far as Government could protect it. The hon. and learned Gentleman and the House might take the former conduct of the Ministers as a pledge of their present intentions. The hon. and learned Gentleman, in referring last year to the special commissions, had said that they should have been issued sooner; but they had been issued and put into motion as soon as possible, and as quickly as the machinery could be prepared. The hon. and learned Gentleman had referred to a speech of his noble friend the member for Northampton. He had not seen that speech; but he could say, that his noble friend had uttered in that House sentiments quite contrary to those imputed to him. A noble Lord, who was not now in his place, had expressed a hope that a Reform measure would be introduced, so modified that it might receive general concurrence, and restore the peace of the country. If there were any ground for expecting such a bill, so modified as to diminish its efficiency, so far from its promoting the peace of the country, he was persuaded it would, on the contrary, be more likely it endanger it. He (Lord Althorp) had only to repeat what he had stated the other night, that he never could be a party to a measure which he did not in his conscience believe to be as efficient as the last. He | the determination shewn to repress outrage would not detain the House any longer. and violence. Immediately upon the new However warmly he might have expressed Administration being formed, his noble himself, he felt no resentment towards any friend, the present Lord Chancellor, came to him in the Court of King's Bench, and said, one. send you down to Winchester, to institute legal proceedings against the persons engaged in the riots, and to clear the gaol.” But on the present occasion-in his character as member for Nottingham, and not as a Law Officer connected with the Government-he had the happiness of being able to say, that so far as he could learn, he believed the riots were for the present utterly extinguished. The force which had been sent down had proved sufficient for this purpose, and for the purpose of overawing the disorderly, and preventing, he hoped, a repetition of the outrages. The first ebullition certainly was very violent. Many of the cavalry were at the time at Derby, where also, unfortunately, some rioting took place, and lives were lost. Before a force could be collected, the Castle of Nottingham, he was sorry to say, was consumed by the miscreants. The Magistrates, however, were very active, the Yeomanry were called out, and the military were held in readiness, and, what was better than all this, all the respectable men of the town were sworn in as Special Constables, and were on the watch day and night. These measures had proved effectual, and the repetition of such out Mr. Gillon said, that he was aware there"the first act of our Ministry will be to was great excitement abroad, both on the subjects of Reform and Select Vestries, and he therefore felt no surprise that strong, and perhaps, violent language had been uttered. When, however, complaints had been made of the language of the Whig newspapers and publications, he would take the liberty of referring to a Tory magazine which had recently come under his notice, and which said, "that for principles less revolutionary than those of his Majesty's Ministers, and for conduct not so much calculated to disturb the peace, a large number of men, women, and children, had been trampled down by the horses of the Yeomanry, and many men sent into exile." This language was much less justifiable than any that had been remarked upon during the debate. To those Gentlemen who charged the Government with having excited the people on the subject of Reform he would say, that it was the system of misrule which those Gentlemen themselves supported that had led to the inevitable necessity of Reform. The Attorney-General said, that what had fallen from his noble friend (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), must be quite satisfactory, and the House would feel, that in consequence of his (the Attorney-rages was a fact exceedingly improbable. General's) necessary connection with any law proceedings, if such should arise in consequence of what had occurred, it would be better for him not to enter into speculative points of law, or into the discussion of questions in which he might possibly hereafter be mixed up. As to the law, he did not apprehend that any lawyer or commonly-educated man could doubt as to what the law was on the subject alluded to. When his noble friend expressed his determination to exercise all the powers of the law for the maintenance of peace and the protection of property, he did not see what more could be required. At the same time it must not be assumed that a special commission was to issue to try every outrage that might occur. It was the duty of Government not to issue such a commission unless very strong grounds were made out. But he could testify to the readiness with which the special commission was granted in November last, and He must say, on the other hand, that he feared not one of those concerned in burning the Castle had been yet taken into custody, and there would therefore be no gaol to deliver if a special commission were sent down. Some few persons, indeed, who were afterwards found wandering about, had been taken into custody, but there was nothing to prevent their being tried at the next Sessions. Let no one think that he was making light of a business of this nature. He deeply deplored the disappointment which had led in some instances to such criminal excesses; and he therefore entreated the House, in the words of a noble Lord, not to look back for the purpose of exasperating, or of unravelling unfortunate differences, but to look forward and consult upon the means by which the peace of the country might be preserved, and placed upon a solid basis. Mr. Goulburn expressed his perfect con |